Full Version: Rwanda genocide to loot Congo - France, UK, US and UN
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In March 2005 Gertler’s DGI (Dan Gertler International) in partnership with Beny Steinmetz’s Global Resources (BSGR) formed Global Enterprises Corporate (GEC), with former Congo mines minister, Simon Tuma-Waku as “special adviser”.
Steinmetz was once named as the biggest buyer of De Beers diamonds.

An October 2005 presidential decree ratified the KOV agreement between Gécamines and GEC. Gertler and Steinmetz placed GEC’S 75% share in KOV into the newly founded Nikanor Plc. at the Isle of Man (UK). Nikanor executive CEO became Jonathan Leslie (Rio Tinto’s former head of copper operations).
In July 2006, with JP Morgan Cazenove acting as advisors and brokers, Nikanor’s IPO raised $400 million on the London AIM, based on its 75% stake in KOV. Nikanor achieved a market capitalization of $1.5 billion, and was hailed as the most valuable listing on AIM.
At that time, the 3 key stakeholders were listed as Beny Steinmetz (37%), the Gertner Family Trust (22%), and Dan Gertler (14.7%).

In April 2006, Gertler’s DGI took a major stake in Katanga-based cobalt-copper mining and services company DEM Mining.
In June 2006, Gertler’s DGI paid an alleged $60 million for the Mukondo mine, owned by controversial Zimbabwe-based businessmen John Bredenkamp and Billy Rautenbach. In 2002, Bredenkamp and Rautenbach were charged by the UN Panel of Experts report as conduits for bribes to President Robert Mugabe and other senior figures in Zimbabwe’s political and military elite.

Diamond dealer Dan Gertler was one of only 2 white men at the 2006 wedding of Congo president Joseph Kabila.
The other white man at Kabila’s wedding was Philippe de Moerloose, CEO and apparent owner of Demimpex, which holds sole Nissan distributorship in the Congo. De Moerloose has also supplied jets and other presidential toys to Kabila.

The NGO NIZA has argued that the World Bank’s interaction with the Congolese government had resulted in an “anarchistic and opaque privatisation process that has stripped Gécamines of all its assets. The parasitic company is now bound by countless contracts with, often dubious, private partners that contribute little or nothing to Gécamines or to the national treasury”:

Because Israeli billionaire Dan Gertler arranged mining assets to be sold at much lower prices than they were worth to offshore entities linked to him, the Congo lost more than $1.36 billion in revenues between 2010 and 2012.
In 2013, Gertler sold back to the Congo government drilling rights to an offshore oil block in Lake Albert for $150 million, after he had paid only half a million dollars for those rights.

In 2017, the US Department of Treasury issued sanctions against the Fleurette Group of Gertler for human rights abuse and corruption. Fleurette held substantial stakes in 2 mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Fleurette Group sold its Mutanda stake to Glencore:

It shouldn’t surprise anybody that the Netherlands is also involved in the plundering of Congo…
Fleurette Properties Limited was incorporated in Gibraltar and the Kingdom of the Netherlands. This was through a construction that made it possible to select the most profitable tax laws of Gibraltar and the Netherlands.
In 2004, Dan founded the Gertler Family Foundation that supposedly invested millions in health care, infrastructure and education; this was also placed under sanctions by the US government.

In 2010, for this construction, the Dutch Rob Drieduite was chosen as chairman of Fleurette Properties.
Both the Gertler Family Foundation and Fleurette Group are part of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), which supposedly aims for more transparency in the global commodities trade.
Drieduite is the point of contact for Fleurette Group for questions on how they can operate ”transparent” in the global commodities trade. When the “reputable” Dutch newspaper De Volkskrant contacted Drieduite with questions on Fleurette and Gertler, he refused to talk.

Drieduite has also chaired the Dutch NV for the porno website maker Gamma Entertainment of Karl Bernard.
Drieduite has also worked for the MyGuide of former Philips CEO Roel Pieper that was bankrupted in 2009.

Just like so many others, Beny Steinmetz also used an opaque tax construction in the Netherlands, set up with the help of a former tax consultant of KPMG.

In 2000, Gertler’s International Diamond Industries (IDI) paid only $20 million to then Congolese president Laurent Kabila (father of Joseph) for a monopoly on Congolese diamonds worth $600 million a year (in Dutch):

Congolese Doctor Denis Mukwege made the following statement when he accepted the 2018 Nobel Prize for Peace:
Quote:My country is being systematically looted with the complicity of people claiming to be our leaders. Looted for their power, their wealth and their glory. Looted at the expense of millions of innocent men, women and children abandoned in extreme poverty. While the profits from our minerals end up in the pockets of a predatory oligarchy.
The Congolese people have been humiliated, abused and massacred for more than two decades in plain sight of the international community.
Today, with access to the most powerful communication technology ever, no one can say: “I didn’t know”.
Finally, after twenty years of bloodshed, rape and massive population displacements, the Congolese people are desperately awaiting implementation of the responsibility to protect the civilian population when their government cannot or does not want to do so. The people are waiting to explore the path to a lasting peace.
Kagame, US, Barrick Gold

It shouldn’t be surprising that the largest gold company in the world, the Canadian Barrick Gold, founded by the late Peter Munk (the skiing partner of Prince Charles) and Adnan Khashoggi, with Nat Rothschild’s on its advisory board is plundering the Congo…

In 2005, Keith Harmon Snow wrote:
Quote:Paul Kagame 'S Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) invaded Rwanda from Uganda in 1990, launching a four-year campaign of guerrilla warfare. Open support for Rwanda's then-Hum-led government from French paratroopers failed to prevent the RPA victory of August 1994, following the coordinated genocide of hundreds of thousands of Rwandan Tutsis by hard-line Hums (FAR) and affiliated Interahamwe (Hutu) militias from April to July.
Paul Kagame, who was trained by the U.S. military at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, has been a regular visitor at Harvard University, the James Baker III Institute in Houston, Texas, the White House, and the Pentagon. U.S., European, and South African military interests have continued to support various factions in Central Africa, arming militias and rebel groups through proxy armies from Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) in south Sudan. France's presence in Central Africa is based out of Gabon, the major point of French military penetration on the continent.
It is important to note that the conflict in Central Africa revolves not around "governments" so much as militarized power blocks and multinational corporate alignments which are transnational. Thus while powerful U.S. government interests may back the Kagame and Museveni regimes in support of destabilization of Central Africa and the annexation of the Kivu and Orientale provinces, other powerful interests-such as the International Rescue Committee -maintain a constant international media presence that appears to be in conflict with that agenda, but which nevertheless exists as a major lobby in support of or defense of certain interests at the expense of certain others. Notable personalities on the IRC's Boards of Directors and Overseers include Morton Abramowitz, Tom Brokaw, and Henry Kissinger.
Rwanda and Uganda continue to benefit from high-level military arrangements with the United States. Entebbe, Uganda is a forward base for U.S. Air Force operations in Central Africa. According to the Global Policy watchdog, there are 11 U.S. service people permanently stationed in Entebbe. Sources in Uganda and the DRC confirm that weapons move freely through Entebbe airport from U.S. interests. The BBC reported March 23, 2004 that U.S. General Charles Wald confirmed that the U.S. is directly involved in the fight against the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda. "I have met with [Uganda's] President Museveni,' Wald reported on the BBC. "I have heard personally that he is very pleased with the support we are giving him .... Its not just moral support .... But many things need to be kept a bit more private."
In July 2004, members of the DRC military flew to Tampa, Florida to participate in an unfolding U.S. "anti-terrorism" military program called Golden Spear.
The Canadian mining firms Barrick Gold and Heritage Oil & Gas arrived with the Ugandan and Rwandan military during the "war of aggression" to exploit mining opportunities in the north. Barrick principals include former Canadian premier Brian Mulroney and former U.S. president George H.W. Bush. Heritage has secured contracts for the vast oil reserves of Semliki basin, beneath Lake Albert, on both the Congolese and Ugandan sides of the border. Heritage is reportedly tapping the Semliki petroleum reserves from the Ugandan side, where a huge pipeline to Mombasa, Kenya, worth billions of dollars, is now in the works.

See Paul Kagame at the US military training camp, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 1990.
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In 2007, Keith Harmon Snow wrote:
Quote:The UPDF Army barracks at Masindi and airstrip at Gulu, both in Northern Uganda, served as the staging grounds for the U.S. invasion of Zaire.
On November 6, 1996, Bill Clinton was elected. Around 10 November 1996 an armored 4×4 Humvee (HUMMWV)—heavily rigged with sophisticated communications equipment inside and out—was encountered carrying two black U.S. special forces in the Murchison Falls region: the soldiers were wearing UPDF uniforms. Two busloads of black U.S. Special Forces were encountered at a UPDF checkpoint on the Karuma-Pakwach road; wearing civilian clothes, with duffel bags, the muscled and crew cut “civilians” showed U.S. passports and claimed they were “doctors” heading to the tiny Gulu hospital. From November 21-23 Boeing C-130 military aircraft passed over the region every 30 minutes, 24 hours a day, heading both north and south. The C-130’s apparently landed at Gulu airstrip—closed by the Museveni government for a two-week period—and offloaded military equipment then moved by roads—closed by the UPDF—to the border. Some C-130’s were charted on a course believed to take them to Goma, Zaire. From mid-November to February 1997 access to northwestern Uganda regions was highly restricted. On 1 March 1997 another wave of C-130’s passed over the region. The UPDF used the LRA threat as cover for massive military operations involving the invasion of Zaire for the United States of America.
The people most responsible for atrocities in the region—unprecedented human bloodletting, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide—are protected. These include Yoweri Museveni, Salim Saleh, Paul Kagame, James Kazini, Moses Ali, James Kabarebe, Taban Amin, Jean-Pierre Bemba, Laurent Nkunda, Meles Zenawi… a long list of people whose culpability is without question, many of whom have been named for atrocities again and again. U.S. Special Operations forces know what happened and should be deposed under oath in a legitimate International Criminal Court, which at present does not exist, and is not in the making. Ditto for Madeleine Albright, Anthony Lake, Thomas Pickering, Susan Rice, John Prendergast, General William Wald, General Frank Toney, Walter Kansteiner, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Richard Holbrooke, Roger Winter, Frank G. Wisner, Andrew Young… another short list.

See Paul Kagame with Royal Dutch Shell directors in Rwanda.
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Firestarter Wrote:I think I (finally) found the real motive for the Rwandan genocide and installing the Tutsi puppet regime…
The real motive was installing a puppet regime to loot Zaire, which was renamed to the “Democratic” Republic of Congo. I haven’t found a single story that exposes this link, so thanks – once again – to our deaf, dumb and blind media I can bring you another exclusive (although in all honesty I don’t believe that I’m really the first).
As I had already expected I wasn’t the first.
In 2000, Lindy de Hoyos, writing for the Executive Intelligence Review of Lyndon LaRouche, wrote:
Quote:The version presumed in the UN report is false. Habyarimana was killed by those who intended the full takeover of Rwanda, to use it as a launching pad into Zaire.

The operation began in 1990, with the invasion of Rwanda by the combined forces of the National Resistance Army of Uganda (of President Yoweri Museveni); the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF); and other mercenaries like the Sudanese People’s Liberation and the African National Congress.

A coalition government in Rwanda, as called for by the Arusha Accords, was against the plans to takeover the mineral-rich Zaire (renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo).
The Rwandan government of President Juvenal Habyarimana had to be replaced by the militarist Tutsi RPF, so that Rwanda, along with Burundi and Uganda, could invade Zaire.
RPF’s leaders were coming from the Ugandan military command structure, RPF leader, and later Rwandan president Paul Kagame was deputy director of Ugandan military intelligence.

In 1998 and 1999, Human Rights Watch reported on the brutal treatment of large sections of the Rwandan population.
Diplomats concluded that 100,000 to 250,000 persons were unaccounted for out of a population of some 1,500,000 in the districts of Gisenyi and Ruhengeri.

The biggest funders of the genocidal RPF regime of Rwanda were the World Bank with $80 million of funding; the United Kingdom which pledged $70 million of funding; the US provided $13 million; the Netherlands contributed $6.7 million:
I have my doubts about the following article from the Lyndon LaRouche organisation. One of the reasons I’m suspicious is that while LaRouche blames the RPF (which I can agree with), he blatantly ignores all the evidence that the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) was armed, trained and supported by the US and UN, and instead blames the British Crown and the World Wildlife Fund. This looks like he was defending the Clinton administration and the UN...

My main reason for posting a summary of this essay from November 1994 is that it’s an interesting story on the eugenics and geopolitics policies of the WWF.

The Rwandan genocide was ignited by trained soldiers from Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni's army. These RPF soldiers were trained in camps set up under the guise of WWF gorilla-protection programmes. As the British Overseas Development Agency Minister Lady Lynda Chalker "controls" Museveni, the troops were little more than proxies for the British.
Since 1990, the WWF has managed 1) Gorilla Park in Uganda on the Rwanda-Zaire border; 2) the adjacent Volcans Park on the Rwandan side of the border; 3) Zaire's Virunga Park; and 4) the Akagera Park in Rwanda on the Kenya-Uganda border. These 4 parks served as training bases, staging areas, and arms depots for the invading “rebels”

The leaders of the RPF came from the top echelons of the Ugandan Army: Paul Kagame who became defence minister of Rwanda was head of intelligence and counterintelligence in the Ugandan Army; the RPF's David Tinyefuza was Ugandan minister of state for defence; the RPF's Chris Bunyenyezi was the commanding officer of the NRA's 306th Brigade (notorious for the atrocities committed against Uganda's Teso).
On 1 October 1990, the RPF first invades Rwanda through Akagera Park.

In 1991, the RPF invades again from Virunga Park, causing a massive over 200,000 refugees.
RPF then pulls back to the Virunga Park, and continues artillery barrages onto the Rwandan plain.

By late 1992, Ugandan President Museveni was prepared to give logistical and political support to insurgencies aimed to overthrow the governments of Rwanda, Kenya, and Sudan.
Attending the meeting, besides Museveni, were Col. John Garang of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, commanders of the RPF, and representatives of the Kenya Democratic Party opposition to Kenyan President Daniel arap Mo.

Prince Bernhard had to resign as chairman of the WWF, and was replaced by Queen Elizabeth II’s husband, Prince Philip, who was replaced as WWF-UK head by Princess Alexandra, first cousin to Elizabeth.
The World Wildlife Fund since it was founded has actively orchestrated genocide against the population of sub-Saharan Africa.
WWF and UN parks serve 2 main purposes (this doesn’t include protecting nature or endangered species):
Taking land out of circulation for economic productive purposes.
Staging grounds for insurgencies.

In January 1961, Prince Philip accompanied Queen Elizabeth on a royal tour of India. Among the attractions for the royal party was a tiger hunt. Philip and his troop shot several Indian tigers that day.
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On the Indian trip Philip also shot and killed a very rare Indian rhinoceros, according to the WWF's Ian MacPhail.

In 1964, some 108 rhinos had been individually identified. Because of the WWF program was to "save" them by 1981 there were only 20 left. Not one poacher had been caught by the anti-poaching teams in years.
In 1981, an eyewitness wrote to the offices of the African Wildlife Leadership Federation in Nairobi, on WWF-financed game guards, shot dead 2 rhinos and wounded another "in broad daylight", so there isn’t much of a mystery, who the real “poachers” were.

Under the guise of protecting endangered species, WWF park rangers carry out assassinations and other attacks against so-called “poachers”, who in many cases were local patriotic political leaders or farmers who refuse to abandon their land to the WWF's land confiscation.

During the late 1960s and 1970s, the Soviet KGB trained several "liberation movements" of southern Africa in national parks in Uganda and Zaire, including the Zimbabwe People's Union (ZAPU), South African National Congress (ANC).

Funded with 1 million Swiss francs and coordinated with Operation Lock, Operation Stronghold was supposedly to save the 700 black rhinos left in the Zambezi Valley.
On 10 November 1988, Chief Game Ranger Glen Tatham and 2 assistants were brought before a court in Zimbabwe and charged with murder of 70 “poachers” since early 1987. A law was rushed through parliament, which gave game guards immunity from civil and criminal prosecution for killings or woundings carried out in the course of their duties.
From 1984 to 1991, some 145 "poachers" were killed. Of the 84 killed in the Zambezi Valley, most were shot from helicopters paid for and manned by WWF and manned by WWF contractors. Of the 228 people killed or taken prisoner, only 107 guns were recovered.

Operation Lock was also a supposed attempt to save the endangered rhino by sending an elite squad of British Special Air Services (SAS) operatives into southern Africa to “neutralise” the illegal wildlife smuggling cartels. The SAS team was led by Col. David Stirling, the legendary founder of Britain's SAS regiments during World War I, and organised into a company named KAS Enterprises Ltd.
Prince Bernhard financed Operation Lock with £500,000 he received from selling paintings he had been gifted. One Lock participant wrote that among Lock's financial backers was the Queen Mother. Another Lock financer was Laurens van der Post, the tutor to Prince Charles and at the time Margaret Thatcher's chief adviser on Africa policy.
Apparently KAS Enterprises started dealing in rhino horn and ivory, besides the rising death tolls of "poachers"!

In 1986, former Rhodesian bush fighter Clem Coetzee of Zimbabwe was awarded the WWF Conservation Award by Director General de Haes for overseeing a campaign in which 44,000 elephants were killed. According to the WWF, this was necessary "to protect the environment" of Zimbabwe's "overcrowded" national parks.
In 1989, the WWF rang the alarm bells in the "Year of the Elephant" to save the elephants of Uganda, for which it set up a camp near the Mountains on the Moon on the Rwandan border, despite the fact that there were virtually no elephants here. It was from this area that the RPF invaded Rwanda a couple of years later.

On 12 December 1981, Prince Philip explained:
Quote:Human population growth is probably the single most serious long-term threat to survival. We're in for a major disaster if it isn't curbed - not just for the natural world, but | for the human world. The more people there are, the more resources they'll consume, the more pollution they'll create, the more fighting they will do. We have no option. If it isn't controlled voluntarily, it will be controlled involuntarily by an increase in disease, starvation and war.
It’s amazing how many stories on the atrocities by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) I’ve found...

It looks like Kagame and the RPF, with Washington’s support, bear the greatest responsibility for the massive death toll from April to July 1994. It is certain that hundreds of thousands of Hutus also died during this period, mostly at the hands of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) commanded by Kagame.
Some analysts, like Christian Davenport and Allan C. Stam, have claimed that even more Hutus than Tutsis died in this period.

The dictatorial RPF regime in Rwanda actually contained several Hutu ministers.
The RPF recruited Hutu leaders including: Col. Alexis Kanyarengwe, who was installed as chairman of the movement; and Seth Sendashonga, who had left Rwanda because of dissatisfaction with Habyarimana’s politics, and served as liaison between the RPF and political opposition parties in Rwanda.

Between 1990 and 1993, RPF soldiers killed and abducted civilians and pillaged property in north-eastern Rwanda. They also attacked a hospital and displaced persons’ camps.
The RPF massacred groups of unarmed civilians in eastern, central, and southern Rwanda after government forces had left the area, in clear violations of international humanitarian law.

On 20 April 1995, after Paul Kagame had ordered the massacre, 2 RPA battalions surrounded the camp in Kibeho, and stopped all food and water. On 22 April 1995, the RPA opened fire. The next morning, the Australian Medical Corps counted 4,200 bodies before they were stopped.
The Rwandan government claimed that the RPA battalions were merely defending themselves, and that only 338 were killed.

An estimated 2 million Rwandans (many of them Hutus) fled after the RPF took dictatorial control of Rwanda. Most of them went to Zaire, where they were chased by the RPA.
The population of the Mugunga camp rose to 800,000, making it the world’s largest refugee camp at the time. After the international media had been expelled, on 13 November 1996, the major assault by the RPA (with the help of the Zairian AFDL) started. There are no reliable figures on the number of casualties. Many refugees were driven back to Rwanda, while hundreds of thousands fled into the surrounding forests; pursued by the RPA/AFDL who shot or bludgeoned them to death if they caught them.

On 2 March 1997, 150,000 refugees at the Tingi-Tingi camp they were fired on with mortars and machine guns. Survivors fled west in Zaire or to the Central African Republic, Gabon, and Congo-Brazzaville. They were again chased, and if found brutally murdered.

On 8 August 1997, the RPA moved into the Mahoko market and opened fire. Thousands fled to the caves in the mountainous commune of Kanama. The army massacred them by throwing grenades into the caves. Amnesty International wrote that a couple of hundred had died at the Mahoko market, and 5,000 to 8,000 were massacred in the Kanama caves.

In mid-1997, Kagame’s Rwandan government proclaimed its refugee problem settled.
French historian Gérard Prunier with president of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, Sakado Ogato, estimated the Rwandan refugee death toll at 213,000 to 280,000.

Since July 1994, everyone lived in fear of being accused of being a génocidaire. Rwanda’s prison population soared, from 1,000 in July 1994, to over 100,000 by 1997, many of them innocent.
In October 1994, senior judge in Kigali, Gratien Ruhorahoza, tried to free 40 prisoners without files. Ruhorahoza was murdered.
When 26 magistrates tried to free innocent prisoners, they were arrested and charged as génocidaires.
Carina Tertsakian, formerly for Human Rights Watch in Rwanda, wrote that between September 1994 and May 1995, 13% of Rwanda’s prison population died, which is “unparalleled in any part of the world”.

Kagame’s death squads have pursued his opponents across the world. His best-known victims include: Théoniste Lizinde (1996) and Sendashonga (1998) in Kenya; Théogène Turatsinze (2012) in Mozambique; and Patrick Karageya (2013) in South Africa.
A South African magistrate stated that 4 suspects in Karageya’s murder are “directly linked to the Rwandan government”. He also accused the Rwandan government of attempts on the life of the exiled former Rwandan army chief of staff, General Kayumba Nyamwasa.

Victoria Ingabire Umuhoza is the latest major challenger to Kagame. In 2010, she returned from exile in the Netherlands and formed the Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties.
Umuhoza criticised that the Gisozi Genocide Memorial Centre didn't acknowledge the Hutus that also died during the genocide and stressed that those who committed genocide or other war crimes and crimes against humanity should be brought before the courts of justice. This challenge to the official genocide narrative resulted in an eight-year prison sentence for “conspiracy against the country through terrorism and war” and “genocide denial”. In December 2013, the Rwandan Supreme Court increased her sentence to 15 years.
Umuhoza was released in September 2018, after President Kagame exercised his prerogative of “mercy”. Since then she has been interrogated 2 to 3 days per week by the cops, and the Rwandan state media have since referred to here as “a convicted criminal who was never rehabilitated”:

Judi Rever wrote about the crimes of the RPF since 1997, in “In praise of blood: The crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front” (2018):
Quote:In areas seized by the RPF or already under its control, its soldiers and intelligence agents worked with similar ethnic zeal, but they were more discreet: they cordoned off areas and killed Hutus secretly, with great precision. They operated mobile death squads, massacring Hutus in their villages.
They brought large groups of Hutus to areas where NGOs and the UN agencies were not permitted to go. Under the cover of night, they transported displaced Hutus by truck, killed them, and burned their bodies with gasoline and gas oil.
These atrocities took place mainly near Gabiro, a military training barracks in Rwanda’s Akagera National Park. Portions of the park became outdoor crematoriums, and human ashes were spread in its lakes. It was mass murder leaving barely a trace.

Bill Clinton, who was US president when the genocide was orchestrated, has hailed Paul Kagame as “one of the greatest leaders of our time”, while the Clinton Foundation awarded him its Global Citizen prize:
By common consensus it was really the Hutu Interahamwe that massacred some 800,000 of the Tutsi minority over the course of some 100 days. I’ve been searching and searching and searching for who really controlled the Interahamwe.
The following 3 part story, that for some reason was deleted from the internet, makes a strong case that the Hutu militias, particularly the Interahamwe, were controlled by double agents of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)!

The Interahamwe militia was founded by the Tutsi Anastase Gasana. Gasana was a member of the ruling Hutu party MRND; he joined the MDR and became advisor to (Hutu) Prime Minister Nsengiyaremye before becoming foreign minister in the government of Uwilingiyimana. Gasana wasn’t put on trial by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) for his role in founding the Interahamwe.
In July 1994, Gasana instead joined the RPF and became a minister in the first government formed after the military victory of General Paul Kagame.
The first and second vice-president and treasurer of the Interahamwe were also Tutsi.

Former RPA officer Abdul Ruzibiza explained that many in the RPA resembled the ethnic Hutu, and:
Quote:Among the demonstrators, there were soldiers of the RPF infiltrators as Lieutenant Kiyago, Lieutenant Jean-Pierre Gatashya, Captain Hubert Kamugisha, Sergeant Mugisha, aka Interahamwe, and others. The goal was to heat the head, sow chaos and destruction throughout the country.

A former Interahamwe Tutsi told that most Hutus that evolved to high position in the Interahamwe had been recruited by the former president of the RPF, Alexis Kanyarengwe (a Hutu from Ruhengeri), and trained in camps in Uganda before being “injected” into the Interahamwe.

Another striking thing is that the Interahamwe exterminated Rwandans (mostly Tutsis) near areas controlled by Kagame’s men.
Luc Marshal, who commanded the Belgian mission of the United Nations in Rwanda (UNAMIR), stated that “Not once the RPF had tried, despite the numbers they had in place, to secure areas for Tutsis to allow them to find refuge”:

Important “evidence” on which the Hutus were convicted for genocide in Rwanda included a fax to the UN by the informant “Jean-Pierre” on weapons caches. “Jean-Pierre”, who worked with the Interahamwe, was really double agent Turatsinze Abubakar, who worked closely with the RPF of Paul Kagame. Abubakar’s testimony demonised the Habyarimana government, accusing it of planning genocide against the Tutsis.
A former UNAMIR provided a document that Turatsinze Abubakar was in constant contact with the liaison officer of the RPF, Karenzi Karake.
Abubakar’s wife confirmed at the ICTR that her husband had worked for the RPF in Mulindi, before he was killed by Kagame’s men.

Jean Kambanda is the only one of the supposed responsible for the genocide that was convicted on “hard” evidence – his “confession”.
Kambanda was effectively put through 9 months of psychological torment before he “confessed”. He was kept isolated in a hotel for 9 months, was denied the right to see a lawyer and was denied contact with his family or friends.

During those 9 months former Canadian cops threatened him and his family daily if he did not cooperate. One of the lawyers involved in the “questioning” is the notoriously corrupt Pierre Duclos.
The “confession” document Kambanda signed after those 9 months was in English, which is not his first language, he didn’t understand that he “confessed” responsibility for genocide.
After Kambanda had signed that document, he was finally taken to Arusha to appear before a judge and assigned a lawyer. This lawyer was the best friend of the Prosecutor, who tricked him into pleading guilty.

On 23 September 2003, Kamanda defended himself with a statement that includes:
Quote:At no time, during the exercise of my function as Prime Minister, did I have any knowledge of the conception of any plan for these massacres, neither before nor after the assassination of President HABYARIMANA.
The role of the crisis committee was limited to taking the first security measures and to ask the advice of the representative of the Secretary-General of the UN. General DALLAIRE, Commander of UNAMIR, as well as Colonel MARCHAL, participated in all the meetings in which those decisions were made. It was unthinkable to plan the taking of power or genocide and to invite foreigners into the meetings held for such a thing. General NDINDILIYIMANA made a complete report to me of the unfolding of the events up to my entry into office.
I also swear also that the spread of trouble over the entire Rwandan territory was not caused by the government or by the FAR. The infiltrators of the RPF are responsible for that.
We succeeded in capturing their plans, the names of their agents, and their arms caches in Kigali, Bisesero, Kibungo, etc. The mass graves dug deep by the accomplices of the RPF were discovered in many places.
The terrorised population knew of this and considered it as a threat to their lives.
The government, I at the head, never stopped to explain to the population that they cannot confuse the Tutsi and the RPF and that their accomplices must be arrested and brought before the authorities.

The following is really the first part of this excellent investigative reporting...
It sheds some more light on Paul Kagame’s responsibility for bringing down the plane with Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana on 6 April 1994 (which was the “start” of the mass murder).

In March 2000, the “National Post” (from Canada) revealed that the United Nations had a confidential investigation report from 1994, in which former intelligence officer in the Office of the G2 Rwandan Patriotic Army, Jean-Pierre Mugabe, confirmed that Paul Kagame was responsible for the attack on the Falcon 50 of President Habyarimana.

Former US Senator from Georgia, Cynthia McKinney, Bill Clinton’s special envoy to Central Africa, interpreted the withdrawal of the defamation lawsuit against Cameroon journalist Charles Onana, who had accused Kagame for killing Habyarimana, by the Rwandan authorities as a guilty plea:
Quote:In 2001, I organized as a member of the International Relations Committee U.S. Senate, a panel discussion on the attack. I invited CIA analysts, investigators of the ICTR, a former collaborator of Paul Kagame and several international experts on terrorism. It became clear during this meeting that Paul Kagame and members of his army, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), were involved in the attack.
When Paul Kagame has waived the trial that he had filed against Charles Onana, I interpreted this as an admission of guilt. There is therefore a [NO?] shadow of a doubt that the sponsor of this despicable and evil act is Paul Kagame.
In our Brave New World, it are always the victors that sentence the losers for “war crimes”.
This makes our whole justice system a charade, but not always is this as obvious as in the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) show trials.
If the genocide, which started practically immediately when Habyarimana was killed, was planned in advance, this could only have been done by the same group that planned to bring down Habyarimana’s plane.

According to the ICTR, bringing down President Juvénal Habyarimana’s plane on 6 April 1994 was really the start of the genocide. Then instead of finding that, as Paul Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) was behind this attack, (the backers of), the RPF had orchestrated the Rwandan genocide, they simply ignored the evidence and blamed the extremist Hutus…

A confidential ICTR document, labelled Top Secret, is a summary of crimes committed by the RPF. This included testimony on the plane attack, which indicates that RPF leaders, including Kagame, held meetings to prepare the attack on Habyarimana’s plane, that the team in charge of the missiles was created and trained in Uganda, and the missiles were brought to the RPF headquarters in northern Rwanda before being transported to a farm in Masaka (an area in the capital controlled by the RPF).

In 2014, one of Kagame’s former bodyguards, Emile Gafirita, had agreed to testify that the RPF shot down the plane. In 2009, Gafirita broke with the RPF regime, fled to Uganda and in 2014 was hiding in Kenya.
On 13 November 2014, shortly after ICTR Judge Trévidic had identified Gafirita as a future witness, he was kidnapped in Nairobi by a group of armed men and never seen again. Silenced forever.

Théoneste Lizinde, who has probably helped Kagame plan the plane attack, was also killed in Kenya in 1996 after he fell out with the RPF.
Eric Léandre Ndayire, an RPF cadre who testified in 2005, was killed in 2007 after being kidnapped in Uganda.

Judi Rever told a lawyer that had worked for the ICTR prosecutor that she had read confidential ICTR documents on the crimes by the RPF.
This lawyer admitted to know about: the systematic killings of Hutus by RPF death squads, the mass graves, the burning of bodies in Akagera Park, and the methods of concealment.

RPF commandos had infiltrated Hutu militias and were involved in killing Tutsis:

Obviously one of the star witnesses for the ICTR show trials was the Canadian, UN-supporter of the RPF, Roméo Dallaire, who was present at the discussions of the Hutu crisis committee that was formed after Habyarimana's death, and even asked for advice and help to involve the RPF in stopping the massacre.
The evidence against the people sentenced for the genocide, consisted mostly (or only) of witness testimonies (of course deals were made with these witnesses for lower punishment for their own involvement).

At the time, Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana would (legally) become president of Rwanda.
UNAMIR, controlled by Dallaire, sent an escort of 10 Belgian soldiers to “protect” Uwilingiyimana.
Later in the morning, soldiers and a crowd of civilians captured and killed Uwilingiyimana, her husband and the Belgian soldiers (dead men tell no tales).
Major Bernard Ntuyahaga, commanding officer of the Presidential Guard unit, was sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment by a court in Belgium in 2007 for these murders.
The night of 6–7 April, other prominent politicians and journalists were killed around Kigali, including President of the Constitutional Court Joseph Kavaruganda, Minister of Agriculture Frederic Nzamurambaho, Parti Liberal leader Landoald Ndasingwa and chief Arusha negotiator Boniface Ngulinzira.

The crisis committee formed on the evening of 6 April, consisted of Colonel Théoneste Bagosora (head of the committee), Major General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Tharcisse Renzaho and a number of other senior army staff officers couldn’t that control of Rwanda and was blamed (and sentenced) for coordinating the genocide.

December 2008, the ICTR convicted 3 senior officers of the Rwandan army in 1994: Colonel Théoneste Bagosora; Major Aloys Ntabakuze; and Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva to life imprisonment for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes for their role in the Rwanda genocide. All 3 were acquitted of conspiring to commit genocide before 7 April 1994.
The ICTR also acquitted General Gratien Kabiligi and ordered his release.

In December 2008, the ICTR convicted Theoneste Bagosora for genocide and crimes against humanity, but only for the 3 days of 7 to 9 April 1994, to life in prison. Bagosora was trained in Belgium and France.
Bagosora has subsequently been labelled the mastermind of the genocide, but how could he have “planned” anything (if he wasn’t responsible for shooting down Habyarimana’s plane)?!?
In 2011, his sentence in appeal was reduced to 35 years' imprisonment.

Jean Kambanda, mentioned in my previous post, was convicted on his “confession”, was sworn in as PM of the interim government on 9 April 1994. Once again it isn’t clear what he could have “planned”?!?
The prosecutor’s office of the ICTR has admitted that it had concealed from the judges the true nature of Kambanda’s confession (because they didn’t want him exposing the RPF?).

In 14 February 1997, Froduald Karamira was one of the first to be sentenced to death by the Rwandan courts. He was executed on 24 April 1998 (silenced forever).

The Rwandan Gacaca court that sentenced genocide suspects until being closed down in June 2012, handled 1,958,714 cases involving 1,003,227 individuals, the vast majority were found guilty.
According to case statistics, 1,320,634 (67.5%) of them were sentenced for looting and destruction of property.
577,528 cases (29%) were tried for murder and physical violence. The acquittal rate, 37%, was much higher than for property theft (4%).
60,552 cases (3.5%) were tried as organisers, authorities and perpetrators of sexual violence, with a 12% acquittal rate:

In 2002, trials of the ICTR grounded to a halt because witnesses refused to travel from Rwanda to give evidence at the hearings in Arusha, Tanzania.
The tribunal's chief prosecutor at the time, Carla del Ponte, told the UN Security Council that the witnesses weren’t willing to testify, because the Rwandan government blocked cooperation with the court, after her announcement to investigate the RPF's leaders for war crimes.

Rwanda's chief prosecutor, Gerald Gahima, explained that the government opposed the prosecution of members of the RPF, because it would undermine an institution that holds Rwanda together and defends it from Hutu extremists:
In the following article the United Nations, and Canadian UNAMIR commander Romeo Dallaire in particular, are blamed for orchestrating the Rwandan genocide, and involvement in the assassinations of President Juvenal Habyarimana and Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana.

The missiles used to shoot down the plane were from stockpiles the Americans had seized in their first war against Iraq. In a warehouse at Kigali airport, rented by a CIA Swiss front company, the missiles were assembled.
The French judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere told Boutros-Boutros Ghali, Secretary-General of the UN in 1994, that the CIA was involved in the shoot down.

The UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda, UNAMIR, assisted the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in the shoot down on the plane that carried the Rwandan President and Army Chief of Staff.
Force Commander of UNAMIR, General Romeo Dallaire, arranged for one axis of the runway at the airport to be closed, which made it easy for the RPF to shoot down the plane.

Dallaire consistently sided with the RPF during his mandate, which included providing military intelligence. Dallaire took his orders from the US and Belgian ambassadors.
See comrades in genocide Romeo Dalliare and Paul Kagame.
[Image: Dallaire-PKa.jpg?w=491]

Another Canadian general, Maurice Baril, from UN headquarters in New York, “forgot” to tell his boss, Jacques Roger Booh-Booh, about the build-up for a final Ugandan Army-RPF offensive, which consisted of at least 10 battalions and possibly 13,000 RPF combatants infiltrating into Kigali, when the Arusha Accords only permitted them 600.

A third Canadian, General Guy Tousignant, took over as UNAMIR commander from Dallaire after the RPF had been installed into power.
UNAMIR II continued to help the RPF in its genocidal campaign.

UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali has stated that the US is 100% responsible for the Rwanda genocide.
To help the RPF, 600 US Army Rangers were stationed in Burundi, who in May 1994 invaded Rwanda from the south to link up with RPF forces.

Tanzania was also involved in shooting down the plane with Habyarimana and invaded Rwanda from the east and south blocking escape routes for Hutus fleeing the atrocities of the RPF in their assault towards Kigali.

I have a hard time following the story on the murder of Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, who was a Tutsi herself and is portrayed as an agent for the RPF. If so why would the RPF-supporting Dallaire conspire to have her murdered (as insinuated in this story)?
Uwilingiyimana was not much more than a puppet of Faustin Twagiramungu, the prime minister designate under the Arusha accords, who was a close ally of the RPF. Uwilingiyimana was manipulated by the RPF, Twagiramungu and General Dallaire.

Uwilingiyimana was scheduled to talk at Radio Rwanda at 4:30 am, to tell the nation that President Habyarimana had been killed in an “accident”.
Its radio station manager, Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, contradicts Dallaire’s account in his book. Higiro states that between 6:00 am and 6:30 am, Dallaire phoned to ask why Uwilingiyimana had not made the address. Dallaire writes in his book that he phoned Uwilingiyimana to tell her the broadcast was off. If Dallaire already knew at 4:30 am the broadcast wouldn’t go through, it makes no sense that he would call after 6:00 am to ask why.
At 5:00 am, the Belgian UN soldiers had already arrived at Uwilingiyimana’s residence.

Colonel Bavagumenshi, the officer in charge of the Gendarme VIP security detail, states that at 21:00 hours he was ordered to reinforce VIP protection, and for Uwilingiyimana in particular.
When Bavagumenshi showed up at 8:30 am to protect Uwilingiyimana, the Belgian Colonel Luc Marchal told him the mission was cancelled because Uwilingiyimana had fled her house. Marchal “forgot” to tell him that she had fled to the UNDP compound, where Bavagumenshi and his men were needed to protect her:
Canadian RPF-supporter, UNAMIR commander Roméo Dallaire, has claimed that on 17 February 1994 he learned of a plot to assassinate Joseph Kavaruganda and Lando Ndasingwa.
In response UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission to Rwanda) dispatched 5 Ghanaian soldiers to “protect” Kavaruganda's house (just like Agathe Uwilingiyimana!).

On 7 April 1994, militia members arrived at broke down the doors of Kavaruganda's home and took him away. He was killed later that day.
According to his wife, Annonciata Kavaruganda, the Ghanaian UNAMIR soldiers were friendly with the Rwandan militiamen who took Kavaruganda and beat her and her children.

Reportedly one of the uniformed soldiers was a member of the presidential guard, Captain Kabera, Habyarimanas Aide-de-Camp.

At the time, 2 other opposition ministers, Faustin Rucogoza (information) and Landoald Ndasingwa (Social affairs), had already been arrested. They were also murdered on 7 April:

The widow of Joseph, Annonciata Kavaruganda, has filed charges against the UN for not protecting them and socialising with the militia that murdered her husband.
A second woman, Louise Mushikiwabo, brother of the also murdered (not protected) Tutsi minister Lando Ndaswinga, joined the law suit with similar accusations:

The widow of Boniface Ngulinzira, Florida Mukeshimana-Ngulinzira, has accused the UN for not only not protecting them, but keeping them imprisoned long enough for the murderers to arrive, after Belgian blue helmets escorted them to the Official Technical School of Kicukiro on 7 April. Her husband tried to go to the airport but the UNAMIR forces for some reason didn’t want him to escape from the killers:
Quote:The Belgian Blue helmets evacuated us to the technical school of Kicukiro, and the 11th April, they dropped us. And this, I can't accept. Why ? And then, why did they keep us there ? Why did they evacuate us at all ? At some point, when the Belgian blue helmets refused to take us out, my husband asked them to brought us back home, so we could die at home. They refused.

On 11 April, the UNAMIR forces suddenly left the school unprotected after which 3000 people were murdered, including Boniface Ngulinzira and her 4 children.

Mukeshimana-Ngulinzira doesn’t know if Bernard Ntuyahaga is guilty or not:

On 5th June 1994, RPF soldiers killed almost all the staff of the Kabgayi diocese at Gakurazo; 3 bishops, 9 priests, 1 brother and 2 children.
Following is the testimony of the sole survivor of this massacre, Emmanuel Dukuzemungu.

Hope Mukashema identified General Innocent Kabandana as one of the masterminds of the murders of Gakurazo.
In 2015, Kabandana was working as Chargé d'Affaires at the Embassy of Rwanda in the US:

Before the assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana there had already been (political) executions in Rwanda.

On 8 May 1993, shortly before the Arusha Peace Accords, Emmanuel GAPYISI, an active member of the Republican Democratic Movement party called for a coalition movement against the RPF and the then ruling political party in Rwanda, the National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND). On 18 May 1993, Gapyisi was shot dead in front of his home in Kigali.

On 25-26 August 1993, Fidèle RWAMBUKA, the mayor of Kanzenze and member of the central committee of the then ruling party MRND, was murdered at his home.

Felicien GATABAZI declared that the Social Democratic Party (PSD) won’t be “a valet” of the RPF. On 21 Feb 1994, a few days later, he was shot dead in Kigali.
On 22 Feb 1994, an angry mom of members of PSD attacked and killed Martin BUCYANA, leader of the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR) a political party that supported the regime.

After the assassination of President Habyarimana there were many more (political) executions in Rwanda.

On 6 April, the presidential guards broke into the residence of President of the PSD, Agriculture Minister Frederic NZAMURAMBAHO.
After that group left, they (?) immediately came back and shot Nzamurambaho, his wife, their 2 children and all witnesses at the residence. Only 2 children survived.

On 12 April 1994, Emile NYUNGURA of the PSD and his family were killed by RPF soldiers disguised as government troops. Only one of his children, Corneille Nyungura, survived.

Catalan priest Joaquín VALMAJÓ I SALA had denounced the crimes by the RPF.
He was last seen driving his car, accompanied by an armed soldier, before being killed in Byumba on 26 April 1994.

After the genocide supposedly stopped after the RPF was installed in power of Rwanda the (political) executions continued.

Former mayor of Karengera Anne Marie MUKANDOLI protected the population against crimes against humanity by RPF soldiers.
On 10 May 1996, a mercenary in military uniform shot her 9 times in the chest.

On 16 May 1998, Seth SENDASHONGA, minister of interior in the RPF government, and his driver were shot dead in Nairobi (Kenya).
Sendashonga had challenged some of the RPF’s human rights abuses, resigned from the cabinet and fled to Kenya in August 1995, where he founded an opposition group.
Three men (one Rwandan and two Ugandans) were arrested and charged for his murder. One of them worked at the Rwandan embassy in Nairobi, but Kenyan authorities had to release him because of diplomatic immunity.

On 6 October 1996, Colonel Theoneste LIZINDE, former RPF member and member of the intelligence services under President Juvénal Habyarimana, and businessman Augustin BUGILIMFURA, were shot dead in the Nairobi (Kenya).

On 31 October 1996, Servando Mayor GARCIA, Julio Rodriguez JORGE, Miguel Ángel Isla LUCIO and Fernando DE LA FUENTE DE LA FUENTE, who administered the Nyamitangwe (RDC) Refugee Camp School, were murdered in Bugobe (in Congo).

Flors Sirera FORTUNY, Manuel Madarazo OSUNA and Luis Valtuena GALLEGO were aid-workers of the NGO MSF, who witnessed earlier the RPF massacres in Kabere.
On 18 January 1997, a couple of days later, they were murdered during an attack on international organisations in Ruhengeri.

On 5 March 2000, Assiel KABERA, advisor to both Presidents Bizimungu and later Paul Kagame, was gunned down at his home in Kigali.

On 10 June 2000, Isidro Uzcudun POUSO, missionary of Donosti, was assassinated in Mugina because he had denounced the massacres by the RPF.

On 23 April 2003, Lt. Colonel Augustin CYIZA, former (vice-)president of the Supreme Court, was taken by Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) to the Kami military camp outside Kigali, where he was murdered.

Juvénal UWILINGIYIMANA had been Commerce Minister and head of national parks. On 21 November 2005, he disappeared, and on 17 December 2005 his badly decomposed body was found in the Brussels–Charleroi Canal.
On 5 November 2005, Uwilingiyimana had written a letter to the ICTR prosecutor, in which he complained that he had been threatened to be killed by ICTR investigators, if he refused to give a false testimony in order to incriminate others.

On 24 June 2010, Rwandan journalist Jean-Léonard RUGAMBAGE was shot dead in front of his home in Kigali.
Shortly before being murdered, Rugambage had published an article on the attempted murder of Lieutenant-General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa.

On 14 July 2010, André Kagwa RWISEREKA vice-chairman of the opposition political party Rwanda Democratic Green Party (RDGP) was found murdered in Butare.

On New Year’s Eve of 2014, Colonel Patrick KAREGEYA, former head of Rwandan intelligence, who became a critic of President Paul Kagame, was found dead in a hotel room in Johannesburg (South Africa).

On 4 February 2015, Assinapol RWIGARA, a key financial backer of the RPF, was killed in Gacuriro, Kigali.
Rwanda Police said he was instantly killed after his E-class Mercedes-Benz was knocked by a heavy truck on the right side. Rwigara’s family believes he was murdered by the cops, as they saw him alive him before the police rushed him away.

Other victims of political assassination include:
Pierre Claver RWANGABO; Placide KOLONI; Evariste BURAKARI; Alphonse Marie NKUBITO; Emmanuel MUSIRIKARE; Chadrac NIWUNGIZE; Jérôme NDAGIJIMANA; Major John SENGATI; Alfred NSENGIMANA; Charles INGABIRE; Appolos HAKIZIMANA; Jean Marie HATEGEKIMANA; Théogène TURATSINZE; Gustave MAKONENE; Toy NZAMWITA; Jean de Dieu MUCYO; Muhammad MUGEMANGANGO; Gérard (Nyamihirwa) NIYOMUGABO; Fr Evariste NAMBAJE; Vénuste RWABUKAMBA; Emmanuel GASAKURE; Jean Damascène HABARUGIRA:
One of the whistleblowers on the crimes by Paul Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and its military Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) is Abdul Ruzibia (a Tutsi).
Ruzibia is by no means pro-Hutu by the way; he also points out crimes of the government of President Juvenal Habyarimana…

The following is his testimony from 14 March 2004.

The government of President Habyarimana made lists of Tutsi AND Hutu people to be killed because they (or their relatives) were fighting for or collaborating with the RPF Inkotanyi. This differs significantly from the claim that all Tutsis inside Rwanda had been listed for elimination.

The RPA killed people from all ethnic groups. Killed Hutus were buried with Tutsis in mass graves (all counted as Tutsi victims).
The RPF had a target list, which specifically called for the elimination of Hutus AND Tutsis that were considered a threat.
The RPF/RPA could have stopped the genocide. Tutsis that joined the RPA were prevented from helping people being massacred.

In Uganda, before the invasion of Rwanda by the RPA/RPF, most important positions in the government were taken by Rwandans.
On 2 October 1990, leader of the RPA Fred Rwigyema was killed by his own men (intentionally orchestrated?). Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni then selected Paul Kagame to take the leadership of the RPA army.
The mass murders by the RPF side began on 4 October, 2 days after Rwigyema was killed.

When the RPF attacked areas in Rwanda, they opened fire on villagers indiscriminately. RPF troops raped local girls, and then killed them afterwards. The RPA stole the farm animals and ate their crops, which forced the villagers into starvation. The RPA even destroyed many houses and sold the roofing sheet metals to Ugandan villagers.
The RPA killed any villager for fear of them reporting the RPA mercenaries to the Rwandan authorities. In short the RPA was ordered to kill the population without pity.
The centrepiece of Kagame’s plan was to use the offensive in 1992, 1993, and 1994, so he could “prove” to the international community that the Rwandan government was killing people in flagrant violation of human rights. Kagame first targeted and killed politicians or Tutsis, and then blamed the ruling MRND party (of course the MRND was really behind some of the murders).

When peace talks were already under way, and a ceasefire was agreed upon, Kagame and his RPA army put together a special battalion to continue hostilities while peace talks were on-going. This battalion under direct supervision of Kagame, assisted by Kayumba Nyamwasa, James Kabarebe, and Charles Kayonga was known under different names, including: NETWORK, NETWORK COMMANDO, TECHNICIANS, or CDR COMMANDO.
This special battalion had the following goals:
Quote:a. Using this battalion to spread terror and insecurity inside the country through criminal acts and impute them to the government as a pretext to resume fighting.
b. Setting off bombs throughout the country in a more coordinated manner than was done up until that time.
c. Planting small RPF cells throughout the country, recruiting and training infiltrators throughout the country, poisoning water used by war-displaced people in camps, following closely and passing information from behind enemy lines, etc.
d. Carrying out targeted killings of individuals unwanted by the RPF, etc.

Paul Kagame was responsible for shooting down Habyarimana's plane. The plan included killing people on a hit list; most of them were killed within the first 3 days of Habyarimana's death. Parti Liberal leader Landoald Ndasingwa was on this hit list (was he assassinated by the RPF?).
The following individuals were involved in shooting down the presidential airplane or transporting the missiles first to Kigali and then to the firing site in Masaka on Kagame’s orders:
Major RUZAHAZA (Captain at the time); Eugene SAFARI (Demobilized Warrant Officer); Sgt Moses NSENGA (Corporal at the time); Sgt Didier MAZIMPAKA; Captain Frank NZIZA: Eric HAKIZIMANA (former Cpl, now Lt); and Sgt Aloys RUYENZI.

The RPF only allowed journalists in their zones if they would right positive propaganda on the RPF/RPA. Some journalists received bribes from the RPF, like Hussein Abdou Hassan of the BBC.
Anyone who tries to speak out against President Kagame is quickly eliminated.
For the last 10 years, Rwanda has been a police state run by a leadership educated in the bush:

Following is the complete report by French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, who concluded that the RPF shot down the plane with President Habyarimana. I don’t think that it’s a good document though; it’s practically unreadable because of its length without structure (like chapters or a good introduction and conclusion).
I sometimes find it hard to find what “evidence” (and how reliable it is) is presented for the allegations in the document (which is one of the most important things in a legal document).

The following is interesting (but I think the testimony of Abdul Ruzibia in the previous link is the much better read)…
Quote:(157)That as to these missile-launchers, Abdul RUZIBIZA stated that while he was at the R.P.F. headquarters in Mulindi he learned that the SAMs, which had come from the Ugandan arsenal in the beginning of January 1994, had been introduced into the C.N.D. in Kigali hidden on board a Mercedes truck transporting firewood; and, he added, that he had heard talk about a training program in Uganda in January 1993 for R.P.A. personnel, which included enlisted men Eric HAKIZIMANA, Stevens TWAGIRA and Andrews NYAVUMBA, all members of the ‘Missiles Section’ under the command of Lt. Alphonse KAYUMBA and his adjutant Lt. Franck NZIZA; and

(158)That, in discussing the final stage of the operation, he went on to state that, knowing the approximate time of arrival of the President’s flight and identifying the Falcon 50 by its characteristic engine noise, Eric HAKIZIMANA fired the first missile, which missed the target, and that it was the second missile fired by Franck NZIZA that hit the plane and caused it to explode in flight; and he added that at the end of this operation the hit-team fled, leaving the two empty missile-launcher tubes behind; and

(159)That furthermore, Abdul RUZIBIZA learned that around 5:30 pm, Lt-Col. Charles KAYONGA received a call from Paul KAGAME alerting him to the return of the President’s plane and that he must not miss this operation, and that at the moment of the attack, Charles KAYONGA, who was posted on the top floor of the C.N.D., saw the plane explode; and

(281)Considering that the R.P.F.’s possession of Soviet-made SAM 14 and 16 ‘IGLA’ missiles is not only attested to by a number of witnesses who are former members of the R.P.F. or soldiers in the R.P.A., such as Christophe HAKIZABERA, Jean-Pierre MUGABE, Sixbert MUSANGAMFURA, Denis KAGIRANEZA and Abdul RUZIBIZA, who specified that the members of the ‘missile section’ were trained in Uganda or by Evariste MUSONI, but also by elements of the investigation into the Ugandan military arsenal; and

314)That Belgian Crpl. Johnny BOREUX, who took part in escorting the R.P.F. battalion to its encampment in the C.N.D. on 28 December 1993, stated in his testimony of 15 December 1996 in Brussels, that he noted that the system put in place ‘permitted [R.P.A.] soldiers in civilian clothes to infiltrate KIGALI and commit attacks’; and

(320)That it is also important to remember that Abdul RUZIBIZA, a former Captain in the R.P.A., and a member of the ‘Network Commando’, specified that the two missiles used in the attack were brought onto the grounds of the C.N.D. during the month of March 1994; and

(361)That this evaluation was confirmed in the testimony, on 18 December 2003, of Balthazar NDENGEYINKA, former R.P.A. Colonel, who stated in a face-to-face discussions with Col. Charles MUHIRE, then Chief of the Operations Bureau of the R.P.A. General Staff, MUHIRE acknowledged that ‘they’ (R.P.F.) had shot down the presidents’ plane and that the meeting which the President attended in DAR-ES-SALAAM was, in fact, nothing more than a pretext to get him out of Rwanda, that his return into KIGALI had been purposely postponed so as to force a night flight and that the hour of Falcon 50’s take-off from the airport in DAR-ES-SALAAM was communicated by telephone to the general headquarters of the R.P.A. in Mulundi; and

(435)That the final order to shoot down the President’s plane was given by Paul KAGAME, himself, during a meeting held in Mulindi on 31 March 1994, with the planning and the operational phase being entrusted to Col. James KABAREBE, who was specifically charged with the formation of a team specialized in the use of surface-to-air missiles furnished by Uganda; and
I don’t know how much I can still add on the “narrow” topic of the Rwanda genocide. There is however lots more on the looting of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, after it was taken over by the same forces that orchestrated the Rwanda genocide, in Africa’s World War, with an estimated 5 million dead in Congo alone...

The US has a long history of supporting all sides in the Congo’s civil wars.
US troops and intelligence agents were transported to Africa to help the RPF and AFDL-CZ forces in their 1996 attack to get rid of Mobutu. Vincent Kern, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for African Affairs, said on 4 December 1996 that US military training was conducted for the RPF.
On 5 May 1998, Kathi Austin (of Human Rights Watch) said that a senior US embassy official in Kigali described the US Special Forces training program for the RPF as “killers ... training killers”.

The heavily armed and armoured helicopters the US army deployed in eastern Zaire were fitted with 105 mm cannons, rockets, machine guns, land mine ejectors and infrared sensors used in night operations. US military commanders hypocritically claimed that these armed gunships were there to find and “help” the refugees.
The Pentagon and US intelligence agencies for some reason have never disclosed what information they provided to the RPF and the AFDL–CZ.

Since the end of 1996, US spy satellites were used to estimate how many refugees were in the jungle. In one of those strange coincidences, every time an encampment was discovered, Rwanda and Zaire mercenary forces attacked these sites. This happened for example in late February, 1997, when 160,000 mainly Hutu refugees were spotted in a swampy area known as Tingi Tingi and subsequently attacked.

The Pentagon increasingly relied on so-called Private Military Contractors (PMCs). Many of these PMC mercenaries have close links to some of America’s top political leaders and the largest mining and oil companies involved in Africa (who would ultimately plunder the Congo of its natural resources).
Mercenaries participate in both types of transports, military AND (for example) blood diamonds.

America Minerals Fields, Inc. (headquartered in Hope, Arkansas) was involved in the Congo’s “civil war” in 1996. Its major stockholders included long-time associates of President Bill Clinton, including George Bush Sr on its international advisory board. America Mineral Fields also enjoys a close relationship with diamond company Lazare Kaplan International, Inc., whose president is a close confidant of past and current administrations on Africa.
America Mineral Fields benefited from overthrowing Mobutu by Kabila’s mercenary army. In 1998, AMF purchased diamond concessions in the Cuango Valley along the Angolan-Congolese border from International Defense and Security (IDAS Belgium SA), a mercenary firm based in Curacao and headquartered in Belgium.

The Ba-N’Daw Report shows how one US firm was involved in looting the Congo. It is linked to the Banque de commerce, du developpement et d’industrie (BCDI) of Kigali, Citibank in New York, the diamond business and armed rebellion. J.P. Moritz and Ngandu Kamenda, general managers of Societe miniere de Bakwanga (MIBA, a Congolese diamond company), ordered to pay $3.5 million to la Generale de commerce d’import/export du Congo (COMIEX), a company owned by late President Laurent Kabila and some of his cronies, including Minister Victor Mpoyo. The transfer was made through a Citibank account and was paid to finance to the AFDL war effort.

Members of Barrick’s International Advisory Board have included former President George Bush Sr. and former President Clinton’s close confidant Vernon Jordan.
Among the “new” resources looted from the Congo is coltan:

In May 1997, Laurent Kabila showed himself ungrateful. He reneged on contracts signed during the war and tried to restrain the influence of Rwanda, Uganda and their corporate allies on the Congo. Kabila retracted several mining contracts signed with US and European companies, including the $1 billion contract with American Mineral Fields (AMF).

On 2 August 1998, with the consent of the international community, Rwanda and Uganda launched another invasion that failed.

Rwandan forces and their allies took thousands of tonnes of coltan and cassiterite to the Rwandan capital, Kigali.
Ugandan militia confiscated Kisangani’s entire stock of wood. Their ally Jean-Pierre Bemba, leader of the anti-government Congolese Liberation Movement, seized all of the available coffee. It took 2 months to transport the loot to Uganda. Ugandan generals close to President Museveni took the profits and generously supplied arms to various militias.

Laurent’s son, Joseph Kabila, succeeded him and implemented a new policy that most importantly, opened markets to foreign interests:

After he became so “ungrateful”, it seems reasonable to speculate that Laurent Kabila was assassinated.

In early 1997, a trip by a representative for Kabila to Toronto (Canada) may have raised $50 million for Kabila's forces.
Among Kabila's circle of Canadian advisors was then-leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, Joe Clark (former Canadian PM and Foreign Minister).

In March 1997, 2 months before the fall of Kinshasa, Laurent Kabila’s AFDL made a $1 billion deal with Jean Raymond Boulle (founder of American Mineral Fields) for copper, cobalt and zinc in the southern province of Katanga. In return for an advance that financed the war, AMF also received a monopoly over the diamonds of Kisangani.
As part of this deal, Boulle loaned Kabila his personal jet.

An executive from US-based Bechtel corporation became a close advisor to Kabila; even assisting him with his war strategy.

The largest gold producers in the world, South Africa's AngloGold, and Canada’s Barrick Gold, joined together on a venture encompassing 57,000 km2 of north-eastern Congo.
In 1996, Barrick had made a deal with the Gold Office of Kilomoto (Mobutu government's gold monopoly), for the mining rights in almost all of its 82,000 km2 land. This area holds as estimated 100 tons of gold in reserve. George H.W. Bush was instrumental in winning this deal.

Reportedly, First Quantum bribed government officials with $100 million in cash and shares, including payments to the national security minister, the director of the national intelligence agency and the former minister of the presidency.

Of the $19.5 million in US arms and training to Africa in 1999, $4.8 million went to nations involved in the Congo war.

Western governments rewarded the Rwandan government for installing a new puppet regime in the Congo, by doubling aid from $26.1 million in 1997 to $51.5 million in 1999 (which was used to wage more war).
The World Bank also looked favourably on the Ugandan and Rwandan governments, and praised Uganda‘s recent economic performance, which was almost complete the result of illegal exports of gold and diamonds from Congo:
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