by Survivors at 06-10-2019, 06:12 PM
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Whitewash: Ian Greer
Scallywag issue 33, March-April 1997
Silver-haired pansy Ian Greer, the former architect of modern-day Tory sleaze, had a marvellous opportunity to 'tell all' when (recently unemployed over the still raging Al-Fayed – Neil Hamilton 'cash for questions' scandal) he decided to pen his memoirs. It should have been a salacious confession in which he could easily have driven the last set of nails firmly into the Conservative party coffin. They had, after all, deserted him quite dreadfully at his time of need.
Instead it was a bland, almost pathetic excuse for his sleaze activity without mentioning his clandestine sexual-political manipulations.
In this dubious self-aggrandising tome he takes Private Eye to task for not having the guts to call him a faggot. They referred, he said, to the fact that he had a live-in male 'companion', but did not go the 'whole hog' and call him gay.
He refrained from saying that over a two-year period Scallywag had done so on many occasions. Although he has not ever come 'out' in print, at least he is not a hypocrite, like so many Tory gays. He was blatantly, almost gloriously, a raging poofta who wore make-up and regularly hosted notorious gay parties in which he dressed up in exotic silk clothes, sometimes of Eastern origin.
Not only that, he ran the world's most successful 'boys for questions' agency to first woo and then exploit many of the hundred or so homosexuals on the Tory benches. (Source: Matthew Parris, himself a former Conservative MP, now a celebrated Times Parliamentary columnist who has 'come out' and has said in print that there were at least 100 gays in the Parliamentary Tory party).
Greer's now scandalous Christmas parties were virtually all-male shindigs to which many of the gay MPs were invited to dance with a whole bevy of handpicked rent boys. But during the rest of the year he would also regularly throw wild and very exclusive gay parties for MPs, either at his elegant Pimlico flat, or at a suite his company hired permanently in Dolphin Square.
This only came to light when Scallywag and others obtained affidavits from young men who had been recruited from children's homes in North Wales - a sordid, ghastly paedophile network which, after years of wild rumour and several successful prosecutions, is only just being fully investigated in a year-long judicial probe.
If the inquiries are allowed to go the whole way, then the path will lead directly to Pimlico where, we alleged, Lord McAlpine, among many others, was a regular visitor. (See next item).
Apart from his live-in lover, the two of them enjoy the company of a raving queer butler and two highly active poodles.
Naturally, it is not known how many times Greer Associates exploited the situation when his guests got back to Parliament. The scam was that he charged his clients exorbitant fees to pay MPs but pocketed the money himself and paid out only the modest fees for rent boys.
When it was realised that a scorned Greer was about to publish his memoirs, many an MP had a few sleepless nights.
As we now know, they could have slept sweetly.
The other 'boys for questions' sleaze artist, by coincidence also in residence at another Pimlico flat, was Derek Laud, then standing for Parliament against Bernie Grant in North London. (See Portillo files). Laud, who ran the highly successful but deeply controversial Ludgate Communications, also has a live-in lover - but no butler. He prefers instead the affections of his chauffeur. And, of course, the regular friendship of the Defence Minister.
Laud was forced to pull out of the election when he was found guilty of drunken driving while on a clandestine trip to New England. He thought he had got off lightly when he was sentenced to 80 hours community service. But now the passengers in the other car are suing him for nine and a half million dollars and he has gone into hiding. Are his friends helping him?
Laud was a regular visitor to the Portillo household, especially to the private party to celebrate the return of Portillo and friends from Barbados. Michael Brown was one of the revellers in the West Indies and is an 'outed' gay. He is also one of the three MPs being officially investigated by the cash-for-questions scandal inquiry into Neil Hamilton (the other is Tim Smith, another listed Portillo partygoer).
Other constant visitors to both men's male dens of iniquity were the many gay incumbents of Tory Central Office at Smith Square. They constitute a sort of glorious old schoolboys network. This naturally included Scallywag's most devoted fan, the ebullient Julian Lewis, now in Parliament for the New Forest.
Whitewash: Alistair McAlpine
The media has lauded Lord McAlpine's recent memoirs, something about being Thatcher's bagman, as being "controversial, biting, and very revealing". It was according to various breathless accounts in the newspapers, "sweeping through Parliament like wildfire".
In fact, it is merely bitchy and completely whitewashes the real truth about Tory finances when he was their fundraiser - and Thatcher's favourite Boy Scout. It is bitchy because McAlpine is a bitch.
It is only remarkable in what it does not reveal. One minute he is pouring scorn on Michael Heseltine, then claiming him as a friend. He refers to the fact that his wife nursed Heseltine at their opulent Venice home when Michael had his heart attack. What he does not reveal is that at the time of his demise, Heseltine was on the job with his titled long-time mistress who had to be hustled onto the next plane as Mrs Heseltine rushed from London. They must have passed mid-air. According to other pundits, Heseltine had gone out there to find out where the 'missing millions' had gone from Tory party funds. Apparently they had one 'hell of a row'.
He bitchily has a go at Major for asking him to approach the dubious Greek shipping tycon, John Latsis, who immediately signed a banking order for half a million pounds. But he fails to mention that Thatcher had already stung the maverick millionaire for similar sums. And that he had fixed it.
A book like this had a golden opportunity to explain the 'Missing Millions' once and for all. In a wide-ranging investigation by Business Age, recently re-launched, the magazine alleged that at least £150 million were completely unaccounted for during the Thatcher years.
This is an allegation which is widely accepted throughout Parliament and led directly to the Nolan Report, which heavily recommended that all parties should reveal the identities of their sponsors and the amount of their donations. Despite this wise suggestion, applauded by John Major himself, Tory Party finances are still a "bag of worms" (Guardian).
During her long and boring tenure in office, Margaret Thatcher, and her family, became very rich indeed. McAlpine himself lost millions (at least £120m) in an abortive scheme in Australia to build a sort of rich man's Disneyland.
All McAlpine had to do to sort out the widespread rumours was use this opportunity to explain exactly where the money went to.
Major, by the way, immediately announced that he never took part in any fund raising and let the CCO work entirely autonomously. This is claptrap. The Prime Minister, any Tory prime minister, is the de facto 'chairman' of the CCO. It is entirely his tool. It is accountable to no one else, not even accountants, for they are not required under present law to present their accounts for any kind of proper perusal.
On charges that he is a paedophile there is not a word, except a mention by Lynn Barber in the Observer Review in which she had asked him why he had not sued us. He refused to comment, except to say that if she repeated the allegation he would sue the Observer.
He dismisses, in the book and in subsequent interviews, the cabinet meeting in which Margaret Thatcher and the rest of her Government considered the consequences to the Tory party if senior police investigations into the paedophile activities resulted in a prosecution. Thatcher herself decided he would have to go, and if he went quietly, they would say no more about the matter unless there was an arrest. It was that close.
When he slid away, breathlessly relieved at the close shave, to go abroad in voluntary exile for 'tax reasons', the Tories were £10m in debt. Yet he claimed he had raised £150m for them. It literally doesn't add up.
by Survivors at 06-10-2019, 05:07 PM
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Inside the disks
Scallywag issue 32b, February 1997
(It is suggested that any interested party go back into the Scallywag files on Portillo which will save referring to much background information which it is pointless to repeat. In particular the various holidays he has made to the Gazelle D'or in Taroudant, Morocco)
There were twelve main themes which emerged of general interest to me, and it is only fair to say that some of them show Michael Portillo to be rather different to his public persona. He is polite, gentlemanly, enthusiastic, a very good and conscientious constituency MP; he is loyal to friends and family, always speaks well of his wife, and exhibits a genuine sense of humour. Actually, none of this has been in dispute by us and was not particularly surprising.
His naked ambition is quite manifest and his cleverness as a political manipulator is emphasised clearly. There is a sort of overwhelming feeling of false modesty throughout all his correspondence. You can also tell, as he rises consistently in the power game throughout 1989-1996, that he thoroughly enjoys all the trappings of power and that he is a great lover of luxury. Again, in a well-bred Public School-Peterhouse man, there are no real surprises here. However, to those who can remember when Michael decided he would find out how the unemployed really lived by going on the dole for a week and renting a slum, the entire venture is quite laughable when you see the actual opulence of his lifestyle.
The nitty-gritty of all our investigations and subsequent allegations concerning Portillo has been on whether he is or is not a hypocrite in his overtly right-wing flag-waving, robust Queen and country 'patriotism' and his very public strand, throughout his entire controversial career, on family values. This conversation is an old one, and has dogged the Conservatives ever since it was so unwisely invented to try and court the blue rinse brigade back into Tory folds. Ever since the spin doctors created it, the Tories have been dogged by scandals of all kinds, especially concerning the libido. Michael's stand on this subject was quite emphatic. His public utterances on the subject, especially as Unemployment Secretary, were highly moralistic bordering on puritanism. At the time, as is still presently the case, Peter Lilley was Secretary of State for Social Welfare, an equally sensitive area when it comes to family values, of which Lilley was an equal enthusiast. We had published a story that on the night of the last General Election Messrs Portillo and Lilley had been disturbed on the top floor of the DTI building engaged in a sexual act, by a security guard attracted by the commotion. The guard had reported this to his superiors who had noted what he had said and then promptly sent him on a new assignment deep in obscurity. He had been introduced to us by a well known lobby correspondent who had been unable to publish the story in his own newspaper. The guard was very scared and rather more pissed off and made a statement to us to this effect. Rumours flourished that the Lilleys and Portillos had enjoyed rather risqué gatherings at the former's farm house in Normandy. Neither couple, of course, had had any children and probably little idea of just how a family really survived in modern Britain, especially if they were on the dole. Our central interest was not about the possible shenanigans between couples in private, but purely on their joint and voluble stand on family values.
Portillo's right-wing flag-waving is not in doubt, but is a definite oddity on the grounds that he is so very, very proud of being half Spanish. Maybe it is just a Spanish trait and, after all, he does have an English mother and was brought up entirely in the middle-to-upper classes of the lower British aristocracy. But he does appear to have a need to publicly be a lot more British than the British. As to family values. We have always alleged that he is a closet gay who has had several clandestine affairs with men of his own age and considerably younger, and that this singularly constituted hypocrisy at a time when he was Secretary of State for Employment - very much in the social sector. There is certainly nothing in the file which proves this, but there is a great deal of circumstantial information which does nothing to change our original views. Frankly, these views have not been challenged, but enhanced by these files.
Portillo had been going to the Gazelle D'or in Taroudant every Easter since 1989, without fail. All his air reservations and everything else about each holiday is clearly filed. It has been studiously suggested, both publicly and privately by both Mr and Mrs Portillo that these holidays were always with other couples. There is no question that Carolyn Portillo had accompanied her husband. But married couples are not normally in the habit of sleeping in single units, whether they be suites or the exclusive bungalows in the opulent gardens of the Gazelle. Yet bookings clearly show that on several occasions only one double was booked alongside up to four or six singles.
The Gazelle D'or is one of Morocco's most notorious gay habitats and it always has been. In effect it is little more than a gay brothel in which everything from very young village boys to handsome Berber youths are supplied openly on the bill. An even more odd sojourn was one taken by Portillo and friends to Barbados in July 1992. In August, while Portillo was Chief Secretary to the Treasury, he sent out a bill for "holiday Accounts" from the Chief Accountant to the Chief Secretary for a villa which appears to have cost each of them £1,000 rental for the week. On top of that were various amounts for groceries and meals in which some £4,000 was divided. The people in the party were: Michael Portillo, Michael Brown MP, Simon Marquis, Charles Welby and John Whittingdale. In October Michael and Carolyn threw a party at their house in Ashley Gardens for Michael Brown in which photographs of the holiday were requested to be brought. An additional guest at this black-tie shindig was Derek Laud.
Simon Marquis, Derek Laud and Michael Brown were all unaccompanied, but Whittingdale and Welby brought their wives.
Michael Brown is one of the very few Conservative MPs who volunteered to 'out' himself as a gay. Derek Laud, now standing for Parliament (against Bernie Grant in North London) ran a Pimlico PR agency called Ludgate Communications for a number of years which supplied young boys for selected Parliamentarians from children's homes now being investigated in North Wales. He sometimes did this in cahoots with Ian Greer Associates which has since been scandalised because of the Neil Hamilton Affair and payment for questions on behalf of Al-Fayed.
Ludgate Communications was at the very hub of our investigation into the 'boys for questions' allegations. At his Pimlico flat, and selected addresses in Dolphin Square nearby, Laud threw paedophile parties, and we have one sworn affidavit from a former boy (presently giving evidence in Wales) who claims he was seriously molested (among many others) by Lord McAlpine who was at the time the Tory party's clandestine fund raiser. It was alleged by this boy and others that Messrs Portillo and Lilley were also guests of Derek Laud. We are assured that this particular volcano is about to erupt, both in North Wales and elsewhere. Michael Portillo has always publicly disassociated himself from Derek Laud, yet here we find him not only acquainted but seemingly in the inner sanctum of private friends.
I confess Simon Marquis is a completely unknown quantity. Absolutely no one has heard of him. But he is extremely well represented throughout the files. While he was accompanied to one of Portillo's favourite pastimes - punting on the Cam every August in Cambridge - he is on his own at almost every other function. He organises the annual punting; he is on the invitation list of most of Portillo's many private and social parties; he has been to the Gazelle D'or, and now he turns up with two known gays in Barbados. And, of course, Michael Portillo.
Even a recent whitewash biography of Portillo acknowledged that the young men of Peterhouse were dominated by a very gay element, fostered by the dons, including Maurice Cowling.
It is obvious from the files that Marquis was a close friend of Portillo's at Peterhouse and the two of them have kept up an affection for their old college ever since. His lasted listed address was 30 Morella Road, London SW12.
In a year not designated, Portillo's faithful secretary, Clemency Ames, booked Marquis and Portillo into the Stock Hill House Hotel, at Wyke, Dorset, described as a small country house hotel with seven rooms and a restaurant costing £65 per person per night for dinner, bed and breakfast. It is not specified how many others may be in the party. At the end of the memo by Ames there is a short note saying Marquis needs a referee for a trust company and will send the papers to the "H of C". After living in Weymouth nearby for many years I can attest that Stock Hill is the very height of discretion. It was, for example, one of the love nests favoured by Prince Andrew when he was courting Koo Stark.
What is clear is that Marquis, Brown, Laud and Portillo, with ot without his wife, have formed a long-standing inner sanctum of close friendship which permeates most of Portillo's social life, including his many generous dinner parties and their holidays together.
It will inevitably be put down to old mates, loyalty among friends, and the fact that all of them probably really enjoy each other's company quite innocently.
But in my book it adds up to a rather funny one.
Another area where I felt I had every right to take an interest on behalf of the public was in the correspondence to the Register of Members' Interests. In 1992 he wrote to advise the gift of a Persian rug from a constituent, and in 1994 he registered a return air ticket to Amsterdam. According to his own files other letters went in registering a "nil" interest.
But there are a couple of birder cases which many other MPs decided should be admitted for themselves. For example, most MPs have been to conferences to the Adenauer Centre in Northern Italy where they are all very well looked after. Portillo was a guest at least once, but did not declare it.
In July 1990 he was a guest of Texaco at the Centre Court Men's Final at Wimbledon.
In February 1996 he wrote a 'thank you' letter for a private Lear Jet (to Newcastle) owned by Chris Foyle, which had been 'fixed' by Barry Simmons who happened to be a Luton Airport lobbyist and PR. Luton has a very serious desire to be London's third airport. This was duly noted in the letter.
In fact airlines and ports seem to be a weak point with the Defence Secretary. Portillo was very happy to accept a free car park pass for London Airport and then a complimentary British Airways Executive Card - which gives him many perks - at a time when BA was having a barney with Virgin and when he was reminded by London Airport PR Chris Davies that Heathrow was desperate for a fifth terminal.
Portillo likes his cars, his antiques and his art collection and he was most certainly not averse when he was offered a "substantial discount" from BMG for a black, leather interior, air conditioned Ford Mondeo 'Ghia'.
There have been several very expensive and classy parties thrown for Michael by friends and constituents, which have never been declared.
Any study of the Register itself shows that most MPs feel it expedient to list everything ever accepted, down to the last pen-nib.
There were other items of relative interest. For example, Portillo writes to the Foreign Secretary, then Douglas Hurd, expressing his support for Israel and suggesting that the PLO should be given no quarter by the British Government. Knowing full well this was a controversial matter this is the only letter in the files marked "Confidential". He clearly passes on the views of the delegation which had lunched him - led by Cyril Stein, Chairman of Ladbrooks - condemning the British Government for meeting with the PLO. He believes that the British Government's "even handedness" is regarded as "unnecessary and offensive". This letter was also sent to the Prime Minister.
At the time Portillo was Chief Secretary to the Treasury, but has he continued this view as Defence Secretary? Knowing his loyalty to the causes he adopts and the fact that Mr Stein, an ardent Zionist, is a regular guest at the Portillo parties - official and social - it seems likely. As Defence Secretary this is a very partisan view, especially concerning arms deals which the Ministry of Defence may be orchestrating on both sides.
It is also controversial in the sense that a significant number of his own constituents in Enfield South are Muslims and indeed he is deeply involved in the Cyprus Question, for the same reasons.
He also shows some sympathy for the Anglo-Israel Association which invited him to be a guest speaker to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the Balfour Declaration. To anyone who knows anything of Middle Eastern politics, this Declaration is the cornerstone of Arab suspicion and dissent about Britain. It was, after all, the very birth of a British-inspired Israel. He only declined the invitation because he had already been booked as a guest speaker at the Conservative Association Patrons' Club.
As an aside, his extensive invitation lists are a picture of adroitness for a rising star. All his dinner parties are well constructed when it comes to mixing people of importance and influence on his future career. The list of guests invited to his 40th birthday party (at the Alexandra Palace) would have been worth thousands at the the time of the event. Everyone wanted to know who went - and more important, who did not.
There are many other small insights into this controversial politician which would be of very great interest to a biographer for they show a deep insight into his day to day life and are by no means all risible. His love of cartoons and punting, for example, show his human side. But we rest our case.
by Survivors at 06-10-2019, 02:08 AM
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Letter to the Rt Hon Frank Dobson MP
Rt Hon Frank Dobson MP
House of Commons
London SW1
11 November 1996
Dear Mr Dobson,
Further to my letter concerning my brother, Angus James's, death in Northern Cyprus, I write again on a perhaps more worrying and complex matter. Forgive me if I try and put the situation into a proper perspective by spelling out the background.
Spiked magazine, which Angus founded and edited, was first funded by Felix Dennis, of Oz fame, who now runs a formidably lucrative chain of computer magazines. It was later funded by Mohamed Al-Fayed with a considerable amount of money - certainly, to date, several tens of thousands, possibly hundreds. Fayed's interest was to use Spiked as a sort of glorious and expensive publicity handout to oil the wheels for his desires to expose sleaze in the present government. Naturally, as we all know, he had many other irons in the fire but it was made obvious to Angus by Mark Griffiths, Fayed's 'fixer' that the budget for his aims was 'unlimited'. Angus had access to Al-Fayed's extensive files which are presently being leaked in generous doses and have been painstakingly compiled at truly massive expense.
Angus and I launched a London version of Scallywag together, some years ago now, using a legacy from my late stepfather, Andrew Wilson, as capital. You may be aware of the fact that we quickly became a thorn in the side of the Conservative party. First of all with a rather ridiculous libel action from John Major and Clare Latimer. But we did go on in Scallywag to make several serious allegations about other members of the cabinet. As a result, the deputy head of 'research' at the CCO, a 'Dr' Julian Lewis, began an almost obsessive campaign to close the magazine down, which to all intents and purposes, he has done.
One of the sponsors for Scallywag was Owen Oyston who has since been given seven years' custody for rape - something we genuinely felt he was not guilty of. Angus and I were responsible for 'packaging' the Oyston story and giving what we considered to be Tory dirty tricks a wide airing. A large part of the story we exposed was tape recordings between a known nutcase called [Michael] Murrin and Robert Atkins who was then a junior minister and who had clearly compromised himself in lengthy telephone calls to Murrin.
Most of all this is merely background to a situation which became very involved and complicated but, quite clearly, large sums of money had been made available to the CCO/Lewis to 'deal' with us and if necessary I can give lengthy chapter and verse on this. Both Scallywag and Spiked had well known financial connections with various people who had a bone to pick with the Government and were ardently supportive.
Angus and I, amicably, parted company and I was to continue on my own with Scallywag while he raised further funding to start publishing a new magazine, Spiked, without any 'previous convictions', which he did through Felix Dennis and Al-Fayed. When we had launched Scallywag we made many Parliamentary friends, including MPs, ex-MPs, secretaries to PPS's , and dissolute lobby correspondents who could not get certain stories published, among others. Until his death, Angus had nurtured these contacts very successfully and had a very good working knowledge of anything untoward which was happening in Parliament. I know that his next edition, planned after his immediate return from Cyprus, was going to be a 'corker' and for the first time was going on the Internet.
One of our contacts was Brian Basham, a dirty tricks PR who had not only organised the BA conspiracy against Virgin for Lord [John] King, but had then sold out to Virgin for considerable further profit. He and I did not particularly like each other because, if anything, I fully believed we should be exposing him, not cooperating with him, and he knew it. But he took a shine to Angus and they began working out in the gym together. Angus was shamelessly heterosexual but I, and he, had very serious doubts about Basham's 'crush' on Angus. Basham wanted to take Angus 'on board' and teach him the 'tricks of the trade'. I found this whole situation unhealthy and disassociated myself from Spiked even though at the time I had no other income because of the CCO activities. But Angus had come to see Basham as a mentor and Basham had clearly seen Angus as a protégé. It was Basham who fixed up the deal between Angus and Al-Fayed. Basham was on the huge 'expenses unlimited' gravy train which Al-Fayed had created and was in receipt of roughly £250,000 a year, plus expenses, just as a retainer. There is no doubt in my mind that Brian Basham is a dangerous man with no scruples. Angus, who had a few, but not many, was delighted to be a recruit to the various gravy trains Basham controlled. His lifestyle before he died had become massively excessive and in my opinion he and Basham were operating only this side of the law.
Basham was also hoping to be retained by Asil Nadir in Northern Cyprus, which is getting to the relevant part of the story. Nadir's main man in Cyprus is Peter Diamond who has a permanent suite in one of Nadir's luxury hotels. Diamond is a sort of political minder for Nadir and you simply cannot get to Asil unless you go through Diamond. His main stipulation was, if they met, the meeting would have to be a complete secret. There was other wheeling and dealing in London prior to the Cyprus trip and I knew something big was impending. What it was in full is probably only known by Angus. All I know is that, prior to Angus going to Cyprus, Basham and Diamond had struck a deal and Angus was going to be the conduit. Basham's brief was to create a situation in which Nadir could return to the UK under 'benevolent' terms. That is that, at best, he is not charged at all and, at worst, the evidence against him is flimsy and he gets a token sentence. Basham is probably one of the few people in the world who could possibly create this situation. My knowledge of him is that he moves in a strange moonlight world of double-dealing. It is very unlikely that he had anything directly to do with Angus's death, but it was quite possible that he might have been double dealing Asil Nadir. He had a long association with the CCO, especially just before the last election. Basham is extremely adept at letting others do the actual dirty work, while he picks up the profits.
On the Friday before the flight on Saturday morning, I met Angus in the Pembroke Castle, the nearest pub to the Spiked office in Primrose Hill. He and his sort-of-second-in-command, Simon Stander, plus Angus's mistress, Allison, who also worked for the magazine, and Shona, a typist for the paper, were all in holiday mood and the girls had been shopping for beachwear. Apparently Al-Fayed had absolutely no time for Asil Nadir and was not informed of this visit - even though he was paying for it.
While the others chatted about the impending holiday, Angus and I talked deeply about what the visit was all about. Apparently (a story strongly backed up by Stander) Angus had been offered compromising pictures of Michael Portillo in explicit situations with a young boy. The pictures had been shown to both Angus and Stander and the vendor was asking for £100,000 for the negatives. Basham had been brought into the conspiracy and had approached Al-Fayed who had turned the whole concept down as being far too underhand. I have not seen the pictures myself, and am aware that, like the Diana video, they could easily be fakes. But Angus and Stander certainly had and the vendor was willing to submit the negs to any necessary scientific analysis for the sum mentioned. This, however, was to be merely the cream on top of a huge folder of allegations collected via Fayed and given to Angus by Basham.
The idea, as outlined by Angus, was to get the deal financed by Asil Nadir and the suggestion was that he may use it as a leeway to do a deal with the Government. i.e. it was low-class political blackmail of the most insidious kind. Angus and Stander, without the girls' explicit knowledge, were going out to Northern Cyprus to offer a package to Nadir which would also include anything else they, or Basham, could put together to compromise the Government into a situation whereby Nadir would face the minimum of prosecution.
This frankly disgusted me. If I had such compromising pictures, I would have verified them and published them and be damned, but only if it was obvious that the boy in question was under-aged. We were never on a witch-hunt against homosexuals, but paedophiles were a different matter. I would have published them in the public interest because I don't think a Defence Minister should be so foolish and because I despise hypocrisy and a party which stands for 'family values' should be seen to do so. But under no circumstances would I have resorted to anything which was tantamount to blackmail of any person, even though I find Portillo, and his policies, quite repugnant. Our policy was never homophobic, but we campaigned vigorously against paedophiles and, always, hypocrisy.
Why Angus believed the veracity of the pictures was that they were apparently taken with secret cameras in a set-up organised by the two top private detectives permanently employed by Al-Fayed, but also used at one time by Owen Oyston to try and discredit witnesses against him. Al-Fayed also sanctioned these two, on behalf of Spiked, to do a 'complete job' on anyone suspected of having any kind of relationship with Michael Portillo. Which they did, and I know of at least one break-in to the house of a BA employer where documents and letters were stolen and were apparently of a compromising nature.
Peter Lilley was also subjected to such a vigilance, but I don't know the full outcome. So was Michael Heseltine at one stage, but that was not financed directly by Fayed. However, we did produce irrefutable evidence that when Heseltine had his heart attack he was actually in bed with his mistress in the Venice home of Lord McAlpine, who, incidentally, we had also accused of being supplied by young boys from a Welsh children's home by Ian Greer. All this from a party who canvasses for 'family values'. While both Scallywag and Spiked had hinted heavily of much of the information available, we had been largely ignored. In the hands of professional dirty tricksters, however, the information being offered to Nadir was potential dynamite.
What I do know is that Angus went to Cyprus to offer Nadir a 'package' and that on the day he died he had called my mother and said the deal had gone through for a "lot of money", and they were going to Nadir's well-protected house with Peter Diamond to celebrate. This was a Friday - exactly one week after I had talked to him, and there were due to fly back presumably with a significant cheque the following morning. Although they had not drunk a great deal - Nadir is no big drinker - the driver, Stander, was over the limit and Diamond offered him a car and driver which he refused. They had gone as a foursome, but during the week Stander had made a serious play for Shona and had been rejected. Because of this he had become petulant and boorish and on the night in question this had turned into naked anger. The theory of both girls is that when they were driving back to the hotel to have a nightcap, Stander was deranged enough to try and commit suicide and take the others with him. However, it is inconceivable to me that he could knowingly kill Angus alone. Whatever, if this suicide theory is correct, it didn't happen as it was planned. The girls survived to tell the tale and only Stander knows the full truth.
Diamond's reaction to the accident was sheer panic and he hustled the girls out of the country on the next possible plane, even though they were naturally seriously traumatised. He called my mother to tell her he would do everything he could to help - as long as the incident was never connected to Asil Nadir, his paymaster. While in a state of trauma the girls allowed Diamond to do all the packing and arranging for the flight, etc. Without a passport, however, Stander would have to stay. While doing the 'arrangements' Diamond was able to take into his own custody all Angus's belongings, including all his compromising files and papers and, presumably, the cheque. As soon as the girls landed in the UK Diamond was completely unavailable for any kind of liaison and only by duplicity was I able to get through to him. His only stipulation at that point was that under no circumstances could Asil Nadir be involved with either the visit or the death. He was, he said, going to "fix things" for Stander. The hire car was swiftly disposed of, without even a cursory examination by the police.
However, Chris Blackhurst, Westminster correspondent for the Independent and a good friend of Angus knew who Angus had gone to see, but not why, and he published a small item naming Nadir. At that point Stander disappeared. His youngest son had arrived in Northern Cyprus to try and bail his father out - or at least smuggle him out, for the police had seized his passport and the last communication anyone had with Stander was through his son. His eldest son, however, has had communication with his brother and attests that Stander had decided to stay in Northern Cyprus and had been fixed up with an income by Diamond, i.e. Nadir, and is presently in hiding as a permanent guest. Only Stander knows what the deal was (apart from Nadir himself and Diamond). Whatever it was, it fell to pieces when Angus died, because Angus was the conduit and Basham would not deal with anyone else. Stander could not be of any further importance to Nadir, so there must be another explicit reason why he wanted to hide Stander and cooperate in his failure to return home.
The coroner in London (the official hearing is next month) told my mother that under the circumstances of Stander's state of mind on the night, according to the two witnesses, the girls, if the accident had happened in England Stander would almost certainly have been charged with manslaughter. However, as best I can I have used my journalistic skills to get some reactions from Northern Cyprus and it can, in my opinion at least, not be ruled out that the brakes of the car had been interfered with. Who may have done this and why is a matter of huge conjecture and a whole bevy of conspiracy theories spring up. All I know is that Angus's death was not a straightforward matter, one way or the other, and the key to it is to track down Stander. If there was foul play, which I at first ruled out after talking to the girls, Northern Cyprus was the perfect place to do it, and it could be counted on that Nadir, perhaps innocently, would make sure the authorities out there would not dig too deeply. I just now have an overwhelming unease about the circumstances of this accident. This is neither hysterics nor paranoia. It is a gut feeling shared by several others.
The situation at present is that we have one dead Angus, one missing Stander, two witnesses who have at least got over their trauma, and are now able to reconstruct the events leading up to, during, and after the accident; and a 'package' of potentially compromising material which is still floating around and may well be used in a blackmail operation to get a Polly Peck crook off the hook.
May I say that my present motives are not journalistic, and will not be until or if it is proved to me that Angus's death was no accident. Until I can rule this possibility out, I intend to purse the matter until I have exhausted every strand. An obvious problem is that, if foul play is considered a possibility, it was planned down to the last detail and will be very difficult indeed to uncover.
The Foreign Office, according to Dr Fox's (PPS to Rifkind) letter, have two agents in Turkish Cyprus, and it might be invaluable if they have local knowledge as to where Stander might be, and perhaps further knowledge of the accident. I presume, also, that the security services may have an interest, and certainly the Ministry of Defence. It is an unhealthy situation whatever way you look at it and whatever my views are concerning the CCO's nasty obsession with Scallywag, I hate blackmail far more and am absolutely partisan about the whole thing. Unless, of course, it was 'them that dunnit'.
One of the problems, or at least doubts, is that all traffic between Northern Cyprus and the UK is routinely monitored by GCHQ, and I would imagine that there would be a special interest in telephone calls concerning Asil Nadir, so it is quite inevitable that the security forces in this country must have known about Angus's visit, and why he had gone there, and that on the day he died he had told my mother everything had "gone through". This inevitably raises a question mark.
I now have the means to continue my own investigation, both here and in Cyprus, and am determined to be resolute, including going to Cyprus myself if necessary to try and pick up the pieces. I want to confront Stander about the exact circumstances of the deals that might have been done and about my brother's death. But if Stander has been hidden by Nadir and enjoys his sophisticated security system, this may be difficult. It has also not completely escaped my notice that should I venture into those waters, then my own life could well be dispensable.
I would be deeply grateful for any help you feel you might be able to give me on what is obviously a very complex matter and would appreciate it if you, as my constituency MP, were able to circulate this information to any government organisation or person who have an interest or who may be able to help me in my quest. Angus and I had many heated disagreements, particularly about journalistic ethics, but I did not know just how much I loved the young bastard until he died. My purpose is to try and eliminate doubts. Not to prove points, and I am sure there must be several government agencies who may have an interest in the above, for one reason or another. If they have, I want to get to them. I think perhaps the only way in which light may be thrown on this one is to kick up a bit of a fuss.
It is not my desire, however, that Angus's death should become a party political issue. Merely to get to the truth.
Again, thank you for your kind consideration.
Yours sincerely,
Simon Regan
by Survivors at 06-09-2019, 10:59 PM
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Dolphin Square and the Westminster Council connection
Scallywag issue 29b, May 1995
Dolphin Square
Dolphin Square is not particularly exclusive - in the same way as, say, the Albany is. In fact much of it is rather tatty and gaunt. It is formidably large, somewhere between a village and a city with its own shops, sporting facilities, bars and restaurants. Any exclusivity it does enjoy is merely because you have to be 'someone' to get in and that 'someone' has to be au fait with the residents' committee, which is dominated and was clearly motivated by the right wing element of its landlord - Westminster City Council.
There are some fifty MPs in the set of buildings (about one in seven of all members). They include some token non-Tories, like left-winger Tom Pendry, and former Liberal leader Sir David Steel. But most of the inmates are well behaved Conservative back benchers who need a cheap London pad.
Its other great advantage is its anonymity. As long as you don't upset other residents, people tend to let you get on with your life. There is also a very well run security system and service arrangements which guarantees this privacy. If you do dine there, as Portillo, Lilley and co. do quite often, you tend to find yourself in the 'right company'. The staff are the height of discretion.
It creates the perfect setting for private parties and tête-à-têtes, and 'model' agencies providing both young men and woman are a thriving industry in Pimlico. In fact, the local rent-a-boy agencies provide an almost service industry to the complex.
Our 'spy' in the building is a close observer of life behind the grey-white walls and tells us gay parties and 'romps' go on most nights and he has got quite used to young gays wandering around looking for the next rave.
The political importance of Dolphin Square to the Tories on Westminster Council is significant. The complex created the perfect role model to ensure a Tory balance in the wards. Dame [Shirley] Porter's stated goal was to move out unemployed, homeless, and obvious Labour supporters from the marginals, and move in known Tories in what they called the Dolphin Factor - a large enclave of Tory votes carefully nurtured and looked after right in the centre of the ward.
Julian Lewis operates as 'JRJ Lewis' in one of the more opulent pads at 110 Nelson House.
The Westminster Council connection
It is no mere coincidence that the main stages of this sordid drama fortuitously embrace not just the Houses of Parliament and Smith Square, but Dolphin Square and Westminster City Council who administer it and make sure that there is a wide selection of their own friends and sympathisers in the building.
If you are hunting for dirty tricks and gerrymandering it can all be found in less that a square mile of sordid intrigue and nasty conspiracies in the very heart of London.
Dolphin Square - the largest block of flats in Europe, and itself a hotbed of political machinations - is in the safe Tory enclave of Pimlico, nicknamed by politico wags as Pimp-lico for it is here that the rent-a-boy lobby have their headquarters.
While the City Council's invidious supporter Julian Lewis operates his business from 'JRJ Lewis' at 110 Nelson House in Dolphin Square - a stone's throw from his CCO office - none other than our old friend Derek Laud operates his from a private house just round the corner in Winchester Street.
It was Laud, known as 'Golly', who went on holiday with his boyfriend with the Portillos and Lilleys. He is a fore runner and front man for Ludgate Communications, which overtly runs a gay lobby group providing evening soirées for like minded politicos. These are almost exclusively both gay and right wing Tories.
In another block at Dolphin Square is another old friend, Robert Atkins (4 Collingswood House), who played the most central role in the right-wing dirty tricks operation against Owen Oyston.
It is now accepted, at least by every fair-minded person of any hue, that the council house for voters scandal, complete with slush funds, behind-door conspiracies, acute nepotism from the top, and the active participation of the CCO, was one of the worst of its kind in modern politics.
We have now read the full transcripts of the Magill report, in which the District Auditor, John Magill of Touche Ross, carefully, witness by witness, delved for the truth of the matter. It was clear to him, and deeply reflected in his report, that Lady Porter and her cronies and lackeys, led by two mysterious advisors on her personal payroll, had identified ten marginal wards and actively set about turning them blue.
At a cost of £100,000 they bought up the services of five Tory activists to find out the political colour of every person in these wards. Houses which came empty were let in these wards only to known Tory sympathisers. Unemployed and homeless were shuffled off to the safe Labour seats.
So desperate were they to place Labourites in the right ward that the allowed the homeless to inhabit two enormous tower blocks which had been condemned by their own health department for having toxic levels of asbestos poisoning. A full report confirming this is due in the autumn.
The significant thing about this is how many of the names turn up in this scandal who are also apparent in the gay lobby scandal and the Dirty Tricks department run by Julian Lewis.
Council clique
As in the right-wing clique in Smith Square, with social headquarters in Dolphin Square, so they were able to put up a bold front in the Westminster City Council so discredited by the Dame [Shirley] Porter fiasco of selling council houses to pals for cash and support. And here again, it was predominantly, and quite overtly, gay.
Tony Kerpel, now a special adviser to Kenneth Baker, was not only a prominent force in the council itself at the time. but had joined the CCO at the very same time as Julian Lewis and shared his sympathies, both for extreme right-wing politics, and his fondness for male company. You would be more than correct to put them down as bosom pals and political flatmates.
As you weave your way through the insidious net of dirty tricks, gerrymandering, the more sordid side of lobbying through sex, as we have, the more you keep coming across the name of Tony Kerpel.
Kerpel and co.'s peer on the council include the crucial Chairman of Planning, Robert Davis, the Deputy Chairman, Simon Milton, the leader, Miles Young, and Cllrs [Peter] Martindale, Alan Bradley, Alex Segal, [David] Avery and [Robert] Mortland. All these belonged to the clique who invariably went out in small groups to the more insalubrious 'Boys' Clubs' in the Soho area where their council was, in fact, also the landlords.
Martindale even once toured the clubs in a Ministry car lent to him to go on a late night tour with a handful of pals.
More often they would collect at one of the ongoing soirées in Dolphin Square, where of course, again, their council were the ultimate landlords.
While Kerpel retained his very close relationship with the CCO, Deputy Chairman Simon Milton was helping Ian Greer Associates - the lobby group specially set up to pander to the 100 known Tory gays in Westminster. He then left to start up his own lobby group called ABCO.
by Survivors at 06-09-2019, 10:07 PM
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Why McAlpine could never be thrown to the wolves
Scallywag issue 27, 1995
We have revealed in several previous issues that while Lord Alistair McAlpine was riding high at Conservative Central Office as their principle fund-raiser, Margaret Thatcher was made aware that a high-powered police investigation into a huge and sordid paedophile ring was closing in on the former construction magnate.
Thatcher and other key players in The Party who knew that Tory funding was linked direct to arms dealing had enough on their grubby plates trying to cover that fact up. A potential scandal such as this, apart from the obvious embarrassment to the Conservatives and the Government - the Government of which she considered herself to be managing director and chairman - had untold dangers.
Cabinet divided
In fact, the situation came up at a select cabinet meeting, naturally in confidence. The view was roughly divided. Some wanted to throw McAlpine to the wolves. To distance themselves and the party from him and disown him. Others simply didn't believe it and argued he should be given the benefit of the doubt - unless he was arrested. Thatcher agreed with the latter and advised that McAlpine should merely get out of the limelight until everything hopefully blew over.
What she did not put before her colleagues was that if McAlpine was not protected by the full force of the establishment he was quite able to bring the whole Thatcher family down with him.
At the very core of the Al-Yamamah ('dove of peace') dirty arms dealings, now gradually coming to light, was a shady group of VIPs in the politico-business world who were proud to call themselves the Savoy Mafia. Alan Curtis, former head of the Lotus car company, has a permanent luxury suite in the famous hotel and it became a central area for most of what would go on.
While not particularly involved with any of the wheelings and dealings, Curtis did arrange several crucial meetings in the suite including introducing Mark Thatcher to the arms dealer Wafic Said. Mark had been introduced to Curtis by his father, a long-standing friend and golf partner. Because of his friendship with Denis, Curtis had often dined at both Chequers and Number Ten. He considered himself to be a true and trusted friend of the Thatcher family.
The money
The magazine Business Age, in a penetrating expose, estimates that by the first decade of the 21st century the full incredible sum involved in Al-Yamamah is likely to be £100 bn. The brokers, fixits, go-betweens and middlemen are between them likely to cream off some ten per cent, around £10 bn. That kind of sum buys you a lot influence. Already, on the first stage of the deal, £35 billion has been involved.
At least £41 million of this has been probably paid into private off-shore bank accounts run by the Thatcher family. McAlpine, on behalf of the party, took a cool £30 million for central funds. Wafic Said, a slimy looking man at the best of times, has so far pocketed £120 million. On top of this, £50 million was paid to the fabulously wealthy Lebanese middleman Akram Ojjeh for making sure a similar French deal did not go ahead.
As Maggie sat in the cabinet room deliberating on what should be done about Lord McAlpine, she knew full well that if the government was rocked with a paedophile scandal, the Saudis in particular would run a mile.
It is now proved beyond doubt that at many levels, starting with Margaret Thatcher and continuing with John Major, and including the National Audit Office (which should be impartial), documentary information concerning the spin-off payments to Al-Yamamah has been ruthlessly suppressed.
Highest level
What cannot be shown except to the principle players themselves, was how the party was able to hush up the McAlpine sex scandal and make sure there was never a charge. This must have involved the investigating police and perhaps the CPO, along with most of the cabinet of the time, the high-flyers at CCO, and all the members of the Savoy Mafia. Influence must have been brought to bear from a very great height.
On the fringes of all this has always been Jonathan Aitken, a close friend of Mark's but disliked by his mother because, as she once sneered bitterly, "Aitken wears Carol's virginity like a trophy around his neck". Aitken is a founder member of the Savoy Mafia and, as a close friend of many members of the Saudi royal family, has done some deals with Wafic Said.
Now the paedophile scandal has blown over McAlpine is creeping back into influence at Conservative Central Office. He is intimately aware of all the skeletons in the cupboard. This puts him back into a position of extreme power and influence.
Heseltine's heart attack
What is also emerging is the real mystery behind the Heseltine heart attack in Venice. It had quickly been known to the party pundits that Heseltine had been having a naughty weekend with his long-time lover, Lady Sherborne, who he had taken to Venice. As soon as the heart attack became known, the Lady was whisked back to London and Mrs Heseltine flown out to be at her husband's bedside. But during that same clandestine period McAlpine had also been in Venice to have 'deep conversations' with Heseltine. It is now seriously mooted that, unable to see Thatcher because he was temporarily persona non grata, he had decided to threaten Heseltine that, if the party deserted him and threw him to the wolves, he would be a fatal embarrassment.
It is suggested that a combination of bedroom high jinx and the shock meeting with McAlpine brought about the heart attack.
Mark Thatcher, even crassly using his mother's name and influence, could never have got so involved with the world trade in weapons if his mother had not had such a complete obsession about the glories and value of the arms trade. She not only revelled in promoting arms sales to any tyrannical despot in any archaic corner of the world, but fully justified it all, by waving the British flag in terms of jobs and exports.
Mummy's boy
In fact, what the Thatcher administration did, seemingly as a concerted plan, was turn this country's economy into a system of militarisation, so that if we did ever stop selling arms it would scupper more than ten percent of the country's manufacturing economy. The UK had 20% of the world's arms trade, on top of the £20 bn our own Ministry of Defence spends annually in the industry. Piecemeal, most of the other areas in British manufacturing are being allowed to disintegrate.
Mark Thatcher, then, would only be seen by his mother as a paragon of virtue if he promoted the arms trade which she fully believes in as the most important factor in our economy.
Mark also, of course, is a leading light in the Thatcher Foundation, which after years of cajoling, bullying and plain begging, still falls £4m short of her aim of £10m. A sizeable amount of the £6m so far in the bank was drummed up by Mark in sordid, "you deliver the dosh, and I'll deliver the old lady" deals in the US. Again, Mummy would have seen him as the blue-eyed boy.
Favouring Iraq
The Al-Yamamah scandal has one further highly dramatic and sinister ramification. While the Iran-Iraq war was going on from 1980-1988, the first Al-Yamamah deal was signed in 1985. Saudi Arabia was extremely concerned at the upsurge of Muslim fundamentalism in Iran and therefore sided with Iraq, as did most of the Gulf States, and Jordan. In order to oil the wheels of the Al-Yamamah deal Thatcher agreed to change the goalposts and tilted our official foreign policy towards supporting Iraq.
This led to one of the greatest scandals of this century (still never satisfactorily resolved) - the Arms to Iraq expose. From 1985 onwards the whole affair reeked of corruption, cover-ups, cheating, lying, double standards and pure chicanery throughout the entire establishment - from the very top-most politician in power, to the highest echelons of the civil service, and throughout the whole Conservative Government. No one, least of all the two prime ministers involved, remained seriously unscathed.
Except, of course, Lord McAlpine.
by Survivors at 06-09-2019, 09:07 PM
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Tony Blair vulnerable to blackmail
Scallywag issue 26, 1994
Following the Observer's report that Conservative Central Office plans to mount a dirty tricks campaign against Labour MPs shortly before the next general election, we can reveal that the most damaging allegations will be levelled against Tony Blair personally.
Researchers within the CCO have compiled a dossier on Blair's early life. In particular his days at Fettes College in Edinburgh. A source in the CCO claims that they have 'evidence' that Tony Blair conducted several homosexual relationships with fellow pupils. The dossier is also said to contain further damaging material about a later relationship with a male Labour MP who is now in the shadow cabinet.
The Conservative Research Department are highly effective at masterminding scandals and cultivating rumours. The new Head of Research, the elusive Julian Lewis, is no stranger to dirty tricks. In partnership with Edward Leigh MP during the 80's he waged a war of disinformation against the CND which resulted in erroneously cancelled meetings, disruption of CND events and covert pressure on key members over financial or sexual matters.
According to our source, Lewis personally supervised the information gathering exercise against Blair; an operation that has lasted over a year.
Lewis is also rumoured to be a raving homosexual himself. Indeed, it would be most unlikely that he could occupy a position of influence within the CCO if he was not. The Research Department is almost gay to a man. There have been many stories about promotions on the basis of gay sexual favours in Smith Square. Likewise, generally, female employees find that their careers are often obstructed. One former woman researcher in the CCO who is now married to a member of the House of Lords told us: "There's no doubt that there is a very powerful gay network within the CCO starting with Alistair Cooke [Lord Lexden]. I found the experience of working there deeply frustrating and I was encouraged to leave simply because they thought I knew too much. Not only about the prolific gayness, but also about some of their less than legal activities".
Our source in the CCO confirmed that often their methods of research do break the law. "I know of many occasions when we have illegally bugged politicians, usually on the opposition. In fact, a lot of the material in the dossier was obtained through bugging. Mostly, we use freelancers. I was involved with a man called Paul Mercer who was an engineering graduate from Loughborough University and a DIY expert in surveillance."
As we have reported in previous editions, the Head of the CCO, Alistair Cooke, was from the same ultra right wing gay Peterhouse stable as Michael Portillo. Another prodigy of former Cambridge history professor Maurice Cowling, Cooke was responsible for creating a trusted network of young ambitious homosexuals within the CCO who would do his bidding. It was he who first embarked on the dirty tricks campaign against Labour, and it will be he who authorises the release of these allegations against Blair and others as the election looms and the Labour party grooms itself for victory.
PR sharpshooter Max Clifford is well aware of the perils that await the party he supports."I suppress as many stories as I promote. I've often picked up the phone to Labour MPs and warned of a potential scandal. I've heard the rumours about Tony Blair too".
The question is whether Clifford has attempted to quash them. Perhaps, even his renowned PR skills are not enough to diffuse the time bomb waiting to explode under the future prime minister.
by Survivors at 06-09-2019, 08:38 PM
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Did McAlpine launder money under Thatcher's nose?
Scallywag issue 26, 1994
In edition 22 of this magazine we gave chapter and verse on how the tentacles of a viscous paedophile ring in North Wales and elsewhere had spread to penetrate every important section of the establishment, including, quite prominently, the biggest wigs in the Tory party.
It caused something of a flutter, but we have yet to get so much as a solicitor's letter over any of these most serious allegations. Right at the top of our dishonours list was Lord McAlpine, former fund raiser to the Tory party, and one of their die-hard heavyweights.
We named him because we knew at the time that he was under investigation by a police force who had been brought in to find out the complicity of various police officers who were either part of the filthy ring, or involved in extensive cover-ups. We have always alleged, now more so, that the whole rotten affair had a predominantly freemason aspect.
Iron Lady
After a lunch members of this staff had with a former Tory minister in the Winston Churchill restaurant in the Palace of Westminster itself, we can now reveal that as the collective net closed in around McAlpine while he was still in office as the party treasurer, his 'dire' situation was brought up for discussion at a cabinet meeting during Margaret Thatcher's reign in office.
Thatcher asked the cabinet what their advice was in the event of the paedophile allegations becoming public, which at that time they threatened to do. The investigating police had already submitted some reports to the then Director of Public Prosecutions for their 'advice'.
As we had also alleged that members of this body were also involved, we were not at all surprised when the DPP decided there was "not sufficient evidence to proceed with trial" (against the police officers). But at the time, the cabinet did not know that.
Divided
It threatened to blow the very heart out of the party, just on the eve of Thatcher's sudden demise. Intense and heated debate followed, according to our source who was there. Some of the cabinet defended McAlpine and said the allegations were 'impossible'. Others argued for throwing him to the wolves. Maggie considered everything and then decreed: "I think the best course is to ask McAlpine to quietly step aside and get out of the limelight for a while. Then we can only hope for the best."
There was no further argument that day, and very shortly after that McAlpine made an excuse and left. Officially, everyone extolled his virtues. But in fact the whole thing was a classic and devious closing of the establishment ranks to protect an erring member.
Since then McAlpine has begun to creep back into Tory party favour and most Parliamentarians seem to have forgotten the furore which could have brought them down.
Laundering
But the story is not over by a long chalk. Now Fraud Squad officers have been alerted to investigate allegations that while McAlpine was a fund-raiser he not only created a slush fund, but got into a money laundering operation, using the Tory party bank accounts.
Our sources claim that much of the slush fund was used to help cover up the activities of his fellow conspirators in the gay-paedophile ring, and other impending sex scandals. But a new question mark now hangs over the money laundering allegation. Is this where Mark Thatcher managed to 'cleanse' his dirty-dealing money?
As McAlpine was at the time very much under the patronage of the prime minister, it would have been the ideal cover to launder illegal funds through the very offices of the Tory party. Who, at the time, was ever going to expose such a scandal and invoke Maggie's wrath?
She had gone on to basically exonerate the crooked lord, even though there was now serious evidence that he had molested little boys in a notorious children's vice ring.
Mark was always "Mummy's little boy" and he could do no wrong.
But how does Michael Heseltine fit into this complex puzzle? We're not quite sure, but when he had his ill-fated heart attack in Venice, he had not only taken his long-time mistress along for a sexy weekend, but had done so to meet McAlpine. Did the builder threaten that, if he was exposed, he would definitely take the Government with him? Starting, of course, with Maggie herself?
One thing is for sure. McAlpine, one way or the other is for the high jump because too many people now know about his rotten habits and business dealings. What can only be estimated is that if he sings how far it will go into putting the final nail in the Government's stinking sinking coffin.
by Survivors at 06-09-2019, 08:07 PM
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Pervert copper gets off the hook
Scallywag issue 26, 1994
In the last edition we reported that a solicitor was considering issuing criminal libel proceedings against the editor of Scallywag. Something originally suggested by the notorious Carter-Ruck. The editor in turn is suing the solicitor for libel. The solicitor, Barton Taylor, merely by talking of such proceedings, has implied Scallywag's editor is a criminal. He did not mince his words, either.
Barton Taylor represents the Police Federation which is presently hammering anyone and everyone who questions police tactics.One such client is former police Inspector Gordon Anglesea, of North Wales, who allegedly took part in paedophile activities at the now notorious Bryn Estyn children's home in Clwyd.
Some two dozen cases of serious child abuse, mainly male children being buggered, have been reported and investigated. So far none has been taken up by the CPO, despite lengthy police investigations.
Barton Taylor claims that, as Anglesea has already been investigated and "exonerated" (i.e. not prosecuted), the allegations must be false and therefore libellous. Anglesea is suing the Observer, and three others. Barton Taylor's meter is running at full tilt.
In turn, the solicitors Stephens Innocent, of London, are representing six previous inmates of Bryn Estyn who claim in huge detail that they were savagely raped by the warders, by a constant stream of visitors, including Anglesea, and even hired out to known paedophile rings, some as far away as London or Brighton. These influential rings included top politicians, civil servants, policemen, and powerful people buried deep in Conservative Central Office.
Paedophile lodge
Most of the players in this hideous game also hide another secret. They are Freemasons. It has seriously been mooted to us, but presently cannot be proved, that there is actually a paedophile Lodge in London. There are certainly Lodges which are predominantly homosexual, and involve some of the most distinguished names in the country. But paedophiles are a different matter.
We, and most of the other people being sued, and Stephens Innocent, and the police, all have extensive files and statements made by former inmates. Some of them are very harrowing indeed, and all describe in brutal detail widespread abuse which has so far gone unchecked. Not a single prosecution has yet come out of some ten years of investigation.
Anglesea and the others named claim all this evidence must be discounted because all the statements are made by long-time homosexuals, often with drink and drug problems, and all of them have undergone some kind of psychiatric treatment. This is mainly true, but is it surprising that after such truly horrendous experiences as children they should come out of it all not unscathed? Is it little wonder that during an early life when all the adults they knew put them through physical and mental torture, sometimes from the age of six or seven, that they should emerge with deep-rooted psychological problems? This surely must be taken into the strongest possible account when assessing their testimony.
The 'average' paedophile, who will go to any lengths to satiate his lusts and then cover up his sordid secrets, is very adept at using these arguments, and anyone who does ever give evidence often faces the most arduous grilling from the defence. Many victims are made to feel it is they who are on trial. The protective authorities trade viciously on the inherent sense of guilt such a sustained ordeal is bound to cause.
Policeman's lies
Anglesea in particular claims he only went to the home to give cautions to erring inmates. Yet one of the statements delivered originally to the CPO was of another Inspector on the same force, [Ian] Kelman, who attested it was most certainly not police practise to give cautions anywhere but in the police station itself.
"I must have given in excess of 1,000 cautions up until my retirement," Kelman says in his signed statements, "and I can count on one hand the number of times it was necessary to give cautions outside a police station. In terms of police practise, it is most unusual to give cautions outside a police station. Children residing in community homes would also usually be cautioned at a police station."
The full evidence concerning Anglesea would fill a tea chest. But we print here excerpts from two victims who have made extensive signed statements which formed part of the evidence submitted to the CPO. We maintain that, even if these youths may have drink and psychological problems, it was the duty of the CPO to test their evidence before a proper court of law. They failed to do so and the suspicion MUST be raised that they did not do so because of Masonic interference.
The statements were in the form of affidavits and may be used in our defence should the criminal libel charge ever be pressed (along with a great deal more). At this stage we have not named the youths because we don't want to cause them further stress. But read on and make your own mind up on whether the CPO was remiss or not:
Case No. One:
"I remember that Anglesea appeared off to me; this may have been because of the extremely noticeable red scar he had on his left cheek and neck or something else. He told me he was a police officer which was obvious to me anyway. Anglesea first approached me in the grounds of Bryn Estyn. He was not in uniform. He started to talk to me generally as we walked along towards the exit. We passed the cadet hut. There was no way around. He said words to the effect of 'come with me for a minute'. He had his hands clasped around the back of my neck and he pushed me forward to the floor as I entered the building. It was very dark in there and initially I could not see. I remember there were cloth sacks in there. Anglesea stripped himself from the waist down. I was on the floor but I turned round and was looking up and I could see what Anglesea was doing now as my eyes had adjusted to the light. He was quite forceful and grabbed hold of me, making me kneel down. I thought to myself, 'another one'. I thought all sexual assaults by the police had stopped in my cadet days. I don't remember whether he told me to strip off my bottom half, but oral sex then took place. Anglesea's penis was erect.
"He said something to the effect that I must be enjoying this so it seemed he had been talking to the others. Anglesea forcefully pushed my heard and mouth over his erect penis, ordering me to suck. I don't think he ejaculated in my mouth. He then tried to have oral sex with me. It was a waste of time as I was not erect at all. He gave up.
"He then told me to get back on my knees and he had anal sex with me. He was quite rough. I cannot remember whether he ejaculated though I suspect he did. He told me to get dressed. It was cold in there. He said, 'that wasn't too bad was it?'
"I think he gave me some money. He then told me, 'just remember who I am'. He told me not to say anything to anyone. He made it quite clear he was the law. I cannot remember whether he had locked the door but he said these things int he outroom where there were no windows. It was dark when we came out of the building and I ran off to the main building where I ran upstairs to have a bath (without permission).
"The second time I saw him outside the main building: he was often around the football area, but I cannot remember exactly where I saw him on this occasion.
"When he approached me I didn't run off. Where was I going to run to? If it hadn't been Anglesea it would have been the others. There were always a lot of them hanging round the swimming pool area. There was a whole list of people who would abuse me sexually, some 'introducing' me to others.
"Anglesea implied I should go with him and he gripped my arm tightly and took me back to the cadet hut where he had a key. It was quite dark. It was oral sex that took place for the first time in the cadet hut. It was not a question of me having a decision on the matter, you just had to do what they wanted you to do. We were their guinea pigs and sex objects. Anglesea was not too rough this time. I think he came in my mouth and I spat it out. He didn't try to suck me off. I just got dressed and the mess was not cleared up. His trousers were down but I can't remember if they were uniform trousers or not. He kept reminding me he was a policeman and the authority. Soon after I ran back to the main building.
"I was sexually abused by Anglesea on a regular basis after that. On one occasion it was only oral sex, on another anal sex. I was never abused in the cadet hut by anyone else but Anglesea. Later, in Holt Road, he pulled up in his car and shouted for me to get in. He later stopped the car in a lane and oral sex took place in the car. He touched my penis and gave me some money. He picked me up again soon after and I can remember this occasion very well because, after oral sex, he became violent and aggressive and was hurting me, so I broke free and bolted across the fields. There may have been many more times. As a defence mechanism I tended to try and block out sexual assaults. There were so many of them and I knew it had been going on for 20 years at Bryn Estyn. In order to try and make sense of what was happening to me, and to survive, I would try and justify the assaults by blaming myself and that I had deserved it. I was the one who was bad. I would also torture myself for not being able to stop the abuse. Many victims like myself start to feel guilty. There is immense confusion and victims actually start to believe they are virtually consenting to what took place.
"This has had immense psychological consequences for me."
Case No. Two:
"The corridors in Clwyd House (part of Bryn Estyn) were shiny (wood) and you could tell what people were wearing. Anglesea always used to wear hard-wearing boots. I could clearly hear this person coming but at first did not know who it was, though I knew it was not our night watchman. I was quite spooked by the ruffling of a rain coat. The next thing I knew, the door was open and Anglesea was there. It happened very quickly. He was just there. He had his coat open and he looked very big. He didn't do anything. I had my pyjamas on and he came up and grabbed hold of my dick. I was shocked that someone else was doing this to me after what had happened to Howarth (the man in charge of the home and also a convicted paedophile who would 'hand over' his boys to Anglesea and others). I couldn't believe it. It was like a nightmare. Anglesea filled the room. I was shivering with fear. The next thing I knew he had left the room. I was in a daze and did not know what to say.
"The next time I was lying in bed and suddenly there was someone in my room. The bed I was lying on was quite low down. He came up to me and gripped me by my hands and put them behind my back. I was on my belly. Anglesea was mumbling something. I was wearing both the top and bottom of my pyjamas which were elasticated, not cords tied. He pulled my pyjama bottoms down. Oddly I think he then spat on my arse. He had a big white shirt on and he then buggered me. I had been buggered many times before by Howarth, but it was still very painful. It did not last long and I do not know whether he came or not. When it was over he just got up and went. I can't recall him saying anything. I said nothing - I was far too frightened. The sexual abuse continued until I left Bryn Estyn, but only those two times with Anglesea."
Cover up
These statements also have chapter and verse of continual sexual abuse at the home and are only two of many others. They were taken by police who were genuinely disgusted about what had gone on for such a long period. But as one senior policeman told a concerned solicitor advising one of the former victims: "We know it went on and we know all the facts and who was involved. But all investigations keep meeting brick walls and, after that, we can never get it through the CPO. Some of these people are very powerful indeed, and when they feel the heat they unite and will pull anything to cover up. Investigating Bryn Estyn has been a police nightmare."
The 'Howarth' mentioned was the 'headmaster' of Bryn Estyn for the relevant period and all the victims claim they were first raped by him. Then by Anglesea or others. On leaving the home many of the former inmates found their way to the paedophile network in London. Desperately confused and insecure, they were easy prey to the "Pimlico Set" which often included top politicians named in previous issues.
by Survivors at 06-09-2019, 05:32 PM
0 comments
(David) Russell Walters and Nigel Griffiths
Scallywag issue 24, 1994
Surely it can't be true that [David] Russell Walters, formerly employed to run the Scottish CCO with a regiment of gay researchers, recently had his house raided by the police. And what did they allegedly find? Reams of child pornography. Tut. Tut. I just don't believe it.
And surely it can't be true that Nigel Griffiths, MP for Edinburgh South, was officially cautioned by the police for his activities within a certain Scottish paedophile ring. Tut. Tut. I just don't believe it.
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