A conversation recorded two years ago in a fashionable West End night club could prove highly embarrassing for the Tory Party's many influential homosexual MPs. An eye witness, Anthony Lillis, who was present at a gay party in a Dolphin Square apartment spotted various MPs in compromising positions, and later confided in a contact who has given a full record of what was said to Scallywag. The following reads as a telling indictment of Conservative hypocrisy and perversion.

It all happened in a Westminster flat. Rent boys, homosexual orgies, visiting Tory politicians who solicited sex during all-night parties. From time to time the whole crowd was there. It read like a who's who of the party unfaithful. Michael Portillo, Peter Lilley, David Nicholson, Edward Leigh, Alistair Cooke [Lord Lexden], Michael Brown and many more. The glitterati of the Conservative Party, secret gays to a man, gathered at Robert Banks' Dolphin Square apartment for long sessions of debauchery where young boys were devoured as avariciously as the champagne and capons.

Fluttering like a highly cultured man-servant between the various guests was the inimitable Derek Laud, the PR doyen of Ludgate Communications, willing, as ever, to gratify the lusts of the politically powerful whenever required.

Drunk

On the evening of November 14th 1992 it was just another party at Robert Banks' place. But this time he had invited a rising young star called Anthony Lillis, who was employed at the time as his researcher. Good looking, bright, extrovert, ambitious and conveniently bisexual, Lillis had all the potential of bring a full time member of the clique. But he had one fatal failing that no one had recognised. He was hopelessly indiscreet.

The chances are that if Lillis had not been invited on that night, then the sordid activities within the inner sanctum of Dolphin Square would have remained a closely guarded secret of the Peterhouse Set. It quickly became apparent to the other guests assembled there that a grave mistake had been made. He may have been bisexual, but he objected to what he saw and complained bitterly to Robert Banks.

Banks was given instructions to 'get rid of him'. So, at about 1 am, the young researcher was shown the door and bundled into a taxi.

Sacked

The following morning there was hell to pay. Lillis was summoned into Robert Banks' office and given a grilling. He was told in no uncertain terms to forget what he had seen, to suppress any objections and, above all, to keep his mouth shut or it would spell the end of his political career. He was then promptly fired. Or rather, moved out of harm's way, into the service of Tim Sainsbury, where he remained until mid-May 1994.

Lillis, who is not averse to talking to journalists 'off the record', was uncharacteristically tight-lipped about the real reasons why Robert Banks sacked him. Except that shortly afterwards he had got extremely drunk and had talked sourly and at length to colleagues in a bar. This witnessed extract is a verbatim account of what was said. Our contact is still employed in a sensitive Government post and therefore will be referred to simply as Q.

Scallywag has had three conversations with Anthony Lillis since. On the first occasion, we stated that we had been given information that he had been a witness to certain events at a Westminster flat, and that if this were true it could be worth money to him. Lillis did not deny that he had been in such a flat and was interested in the prospect of money. He agreed to meet journalists from Scallywag the following week. On the evening of Saturday 14th May Anthony Lillis threw a party. He had just left his job with Tim Sainsbury and had invited various Parliamentary contacts. During the evening he joked about being approached by Scallywag. 

However, when we telephoned him the following week, he was a very different man. He responded nervously and evasively to our questions and point blank refused to meet. His voice was extremely shaky. It seemed quite apparent that he had received a heavy warning from someone. Nevertheless, we persisted. When we said that a transcript was in our possession of a conversation that took place two years before that exposed the true reason behind his sacking, Lillis panicked.

He denied any recollection of such a conversation. He asked repeatedly who had given us the transcript. He threatened legal action should we decide to print. And finally he admitted that he had attended such a party at the Dolphin Square flat of Robert Banks.

Quote:Q: It was a bit sudden wasn't it? I mean, er, didn't you get any warning?

Lillis: I just didn't get on with the little shit. It was building up for a long time. Still, they'll sort me out with something, I know they will.

Q: How can you be so sure?

Lillis: Ah ha! Can't say. This is one secret I'm going to keep.

Q: Oh, come on Tony, you can tell me for Christ's sake. I'm not going to say anything. Come on.

Lillis: Er, look, just let's say I saw too much.

Q: Go on, what do you mean? Anthony.

Lillis: Look, if I tell you, you've got to keep it under wraps, right? This is my future at stake, okay, not a word. This is political dynamite.

Q: Fine.

Lillis: You know Robert's party?

Q: Yeah.

Lillis: Well, for a start, it was an all male affair. In fact, I don't really know why he invited me. But there were a lot of young boys knocking about.

Q: You're joking! Who was there.

Lillis: Well, Edward Leigh, that fellow Ian Fipps [sic], David Nicholson - he was bloody outrageous, Alistair Cooke... Hey, even Portillo. And later Peter Lilley turned up. And, you know, the rumours about him and Portillo are definitely true. I got pretty pissed. Er, anyway, they were all over each other. Nicholson went off with one of the boys. I started making a few remarks to Robert. Didn't go down too well, then the next morning he was furious. "You're not hired to pass an opinion," all that kind of crap.

Q: Then he fired you.

Lillis: Yeah, after a few...

Q: It's unbelievable. It's just...

Lillis: Look, just forget that I told you, okay. Em, I don't want...

Q: Don't worry.

Q knew that Lillis was due to go to a party at Robert Banks' Dolphin Square flat. Q was also aware of rumours circulating about several similar parties and was thinking at the time of selling the story to the papers. A change in direction in Q's career discouraged our contact from doing so. And the transcript was buried until Scallywag picked up the story in February 1994 and over the subsequent four months. Q was already a valuable informer, but chose not to offer Scallywag the transcript until Anthony Lillis had left the employ of Tim Sainsbury, who holds the purse strings behind the Tory party.

It is now known that the music world has been used as a weapon over our consciousness to control and steer us in a specific direction, could this trend be reversed by the smaller alternative song writers?

https://youtu.be/vKSZpgXDFr8

Harry Greenway, the Con party member for Ealing North since 1979, is trying to take over Patten's job as Education Secretary and has been grooming himself by taking on all sorts of minuscule educational jobs to try to look helpful and fit for the job for the next, inevitable, reshuffle. Perhaps unknown to his peers is the fact that he is a proven sadist who was quietly, but effectively, removed from his 12-year job as deputy headmaster of the Sir William Collins School for boys in Charrington Street, Camden.

His reign there lasted from 1960 to 1972 - an era when punishment of pupils was an everyday occurrence and the cane ruled. Even then, however, there were strict rules for such punishments. The cane had to be a regular size and weight and no punishment could be administered without an entry into a punishment book. That was the law, archaic as it may seem now.

But Horsewhip Harry had scant regard for such niceties. He did not use a cane for a start, but a set of vicious riding crops which he kept in his desk drawer. He used these whips quite indiscriminately on any young boy he took a fancy to. Sometimes plucking them from the playground (by the ear), especially if they were in shorts. Then he flogged them unmercifully until many of them bled. He never had a punishment book for these impromptu whippings.

Needless to say, he is Portillo's choice as Ed. Sec. should the right wing of the Con party eventually make it, and is a firm advocate of bringing back the birch. 

I start this thread with another great book from the Lyndon LaRouche organization.
The most shocking about the book is that it was already written in 1981, while it’s still denied that the Anglo-American crime syndicate placed the Islamic extremism of Ayatollah Khomeini in charge of the oil-rich Iran, a little more than 25 years after they had put the Shah in power.
 
Within the US government, a relatively small group is responsible for the downfall of the Shah:
Zbigniew Brzezinski of the National Security Council;
Cyrus Vance, former Secretary of State;
George Ball, the NSC's Iran Task Force special coordinator;
David Newsom and Henry Precht of the State Department;
William H. Sullivan, US Ambassador in Teheran;
Harold Brown and Charles Duncan at the Pentagon;
General Alexander Haig and General Robert Huyser of NATO's command;
Stansfield Turner and Robert Bowie of the CIA.
 
Together with a select group of British intelligence agents and the Muslim Brotherhood secret society, the following group of Middle East specialists, from 1977 to 1979, acted as the liaison between the organisers of the Khomeini revolution and the Carter adminiation:
Former US attorney general Ramsey Clark was the coordinator;
Richard Cottam of the University of Pittsburgh;
Marvin Zonis of the University of Chicago;
James Bill of the University of Texas at Austin;
Thomas Ricks of Georgetown University;
Richard Falk and Bernard Lewis of Princeton.
 
Bernard Lewis came from Oxford University, where he specialised on the Islam and the Middle East.
The "Bernard Lewis plan" is the code-name for a top-secret British strategy to use Islamic extremism to disrupt the entire Middle East, for which Iran was the first experiment. The plan puts the heads of state of Muslim nations against the Muslim Brotherhood using those nations' own national minorities.
Dr. Lewis was an attendee of the 1979 Bilderberg meeting in Austria where "Muslim fundamentalism" was the leading topic.
This strategy is still goings strong, with the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and ISIS still doing the evil work for these psychopaths.
 
See Bernard Lewis with Henry Kissinger more recently.

 
In March 1975, the Shah defied the “stunned” Henry Kissinger and made a deal with Iraq´s Saddam Hussein, with the mediation of President Houari Boumedienne of Algeria and Saudi King Faisal, to abandon the Kurds (that were also supported with arms from Israel) in exchange for territorial concessions in the Shatt al-Arab waterway.
King Faisal died – literally the same month – on 25 March 1975 when he was shot point-blank by his half-brother’s son, Faisal bin Musaid, who had just come back from the US. Houari Boumedienne died in December 1978 of a “rare blood disease”.
See (from left) the Shah, Boumedienne and Saddam when the Algiers accord was signed.

 
In his memoirs, Kissinger tells that he was vigorously against abandoning the Kurds. He warned the Shah that any agreement with Saddam Hussein was “worthless” and that the defeat of the leader of the Kurds Mustafa Barzani would “destabilize the entire area”.
In Jerusalem, Kissinger discussed the situation with Yitzhak Rabin, who complained that the Shah had “sold out the Kurds” and Kissinger replied:

Quote:I was shaken too by the Iranian decision. Because we had participated in it too. The brutality of it.

 
For two centuries the British have controlled the smuggling (including drugs) in the Gulf between Asia's Far East Golden Triangle and the West. These channels were now used to smuggle arms and ammunition for the Islamic “revolution” in Iran (in return for money of course).
 
The man in charge of Savak' s day-to-day affairs was General Hossein Fardoust, a childhood friend of the Shah since they attended the Le Rosey school in Switzerland in the 1930s, was likely the ringleader of the "inside" track of the revolution; already at the beginning of 1978 he was exploring for allies among the commanders of the armed forces and the intelligence services.
 
After the Shah’s health visit to the US had been planned, in the beginning of October, Ibrahim Yazdi contacted his old friend Ramsey Clark, who replied on 12 October:

Quote:It is critically important to show that despots cannot escape and live in wealth while nations they ravaged continue to suffer. I urge the new government of Iran to seek damages for criminal and wrongful acts committed by the former Shah, and to recover properties from the Shah, his family, and confederates, unlawfully taken from the Iranian people.

This preceded the hysteria that led to the US Embassy personell taken hostage.
 
In 1976, World Bank adviser Rene Dumont led an expedition to Iran to investigate the agricultural system there, and by 1981 was an adviser to Khomeini.
Dumont had earlier been expelled from Cuba and Algeria for being a CIA agent.
 
In early 1977, the Club of Rome's Aurelio Peccei, Jacques Freymond, and professor Ali Shariati began to direct the Muslim Brotherhood in Western Europe to a new, zero-growth version of Islam as part of the efforts to get rid of the Shah by the Aspen Institute.
 
In 1977, the Muslim Brotherhood coordinating organisation “Islam and the West” was founded in Geneva.
Besides funds from the Islamic Solidarity Fund (a subproject of the World Muslim Congress), the prestigious “International Federation of Institutions of Advanced Studies” helped to get it started. The second of these counts among its funders: Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands (co-founder and long-time chairman of Bilderberg, the WWF and 1001 Club); Aurelio Peccei; Robert O. Anderson president of Atlantic Richfield and the head of the Aspen Institute.
 
Called "Islam and the West", this project held its first planning sessions at Cambridge University in England. Under the guidance of Peccei, Lord Caradon, and Muslim Brotherhood leader Maarouf Dawalibi, "Islam and the West" assembled a policy outline on science and technology for the subversion of Islam. The outline was published in 1979, and backed by the “International Federation of Institutes of Advanced Study”, headed by Club of Rome member and NATO science adviser Alexander King.
 
At a November 1977 conference in Lisbon, Portugal, sponsored by the Interreligious Peace Colloquium (that was set up by Cyrus Vance and Sol Linowitz), Peccei conspired with several leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, particularly with the well-known Iranian Seyyed Hossein Nasr, a personal friend of the Shah.
Professor Nasr together with Dr. Manucher Ganji obtained money from the Shah's wife, Farah Diba, and others for a Club of Rome project for Iran.
 
Isn´t it ironic that President Carter helped to get rid of the Shah, which ruined hs chances to be re-elected, while the Shah himself funded the Club of Rome that was working for his downfall?
 
Robert Dreyfuss - Hostage to Khomeini (1981): https://archive.org/details/KHomeini_201403/page/n7
(archived here: http://web.archive.org/web/20190602155229/https://ia800503.us.archive.org/25/items/KHomeini_201403/KHomeini.pdf)

Joseph Nefyn Dodd is a huge, blustery, violent and perverted ex-handyman who was quite incredibly put in charge of various children's homes in Gwent, North Wales, throughout the seventies.

Under his tyrannical rule hundreds of children were physically or sexually abused during an entire decade, and, despite the fact that both the authorities and police had been fully appraised of the situation, he was allowed complete freedom and even promoted.

Dodd has never faced court, despite a 400-page dossier which gives chapter and verse on his outrageous sadism and names nearly 100 witnesses. An extensive police inquiry did lead to the arrest and eventual imprisonment of six men under the auspices of Dodd, who were successfully prosecuted for sexual abuse. But Dodd himself has never even been officially cautioned.

Cover up

The allegations led to a rent-a-child situation which eventually involved the very centre of Conservative Central Office, and five policemen have been named as deeply involved with the scandal. One of them, a former police inspector, is suing both The Observer and Private Eye for libel after they had named him on a serious abuse charge.

Also implicated is the prominent Tory freemason Lord Tenby, whose son was part of the paedophile ring, and who not only tried to cover up the police involvement (Tenby was a high-flyer on the police committee) but actively attempted to have the inspector promoted, even though he was then under investigation.

A comprehensive report to Gwynedd County Council, delivered in 1991, concerning all 11 homes in the county jurisdiction, shows there was no active control over the children in council care. Their frugal pocket money was stolen; all of them were beaten on almost a daily basis on the whim of unqualified child molesters; they were actively encouraged to become child prostitutes; and drink and drugs were easily available for children even as young as ten-years-old.

Suicide

The travesty of the law is such that police are often unable to incarcerate persistent young offenders, however often they offend. But any social worker may apply to a magistrates' court for a care order which is indiscriminate and without time limit, at least until the child is 16.

The children are then farmed out to lonely bedsits, without any further counselling, money or job prospects. They often become so desperate they either voluntarily return to the home, or they turn to crime, or on many occasions, commit suicide.

Dodd was a proven pornographer, and he tended to hire unqualified staff who shared his evil lusts. Under his care dozens of under-age girls became pregnant. VD was rife. Boys were consistently buggered, not only by staff but by perverted visitors, including a Roman Catholic priest, several policemen, and eventually some big-wigs from the Tory party.

Genuine staff who objected to his activities would be fired on the spot, or Dodd would find ways of discrediting them so they could not get a job elsewhere.

Lord McAlpine

Dodd was also an outrageous sadist with a violent temper which could unleash itself without apparent reason. He would punch and kick children indiscriminately, try to suffocate them, or drag them around the room by their hair. He would lock them in cupboards in their pyjamas for days without food.

It was from the homes run by Dodd that paedophiles recruited potential child prostitutes who would be taken to nearby towns and introduced to clients. If and when they left the home they would be transferred to London where people like Derek Laud (full story in Scallywag 22) would in turn introduce them to political big-wigs like Lord McAlpine.

Laud, referred to elsewhere in the magazine, ran a political PR campaign and was a constant lobbyist in the Palace of Westminster. His firm, Ludgate Securities, specialised in buttering-up the 60 or so MPs who are known to be gay or paedophiles.

Scandals

Based on a 20-page report by a former serving policeman, a full police inquiry was made in the mid-seventies and subsequently the Deputy Chief Constable resigned. The Chief Constable, David Owen, left soon after to go to Dorset.

Dorset Constabulary had been reeling from scandals of its own which resulted in the former Chief, Arthur Hambleton, taking early retirement. Ironically, Owen was brought in to try to restore Dorset police's reputation. He lasted for two years before moving on.

The investigation into the DCC involved serious allegations of irregular sexual activity between himself, the wife of an (unknowing) uniformed constable, and others, although he was never directly linked to the paedophile scandal at the children's homes.

Harrowing

The report to the council grew to dossier form by the early nineties. But by then two dozen former children who had been molested had committed suicide. Others, after years of mental torture, had decided they could not relive the years they spent in care. Others still, had managed to find new lives and did not want their wives and children to know what they had been through.

But dedicated social worker Alison Taylor managed to get nearly 200 former children at Dodd homes to give her first-hand accounts of the abuse they suffered. Her report makes harrowing reading. Once the door was closed on these defenceless children just about anything could happen to them.

Both boys and girls were required to visit staff, including Dodd and his wife, in their private quarters for lengthy and often violent sex sessions. The homes were almost completely neglected by the authority, which checked them so rarely many children who had been at a home for three years or more could not recall a visit.

Delinquent

The girls, in particular, were taken by staff to local night clubs where large quantities of alcohol were paid for. The girls were then invited to go home with other customers who did financial deals with the staff. The boys were not taken to public clubs but farmed out on a similar basis to private homes or hotel rooms.

One of the so very perplexing things about this whole rotten situation is that if anyone did try and bring a prosecution, the police were openly apathetic - even to Alison Taylor's detailed accounts. Frustration set in doubly when it was realised if it came to whether the authorities believed a staff member or a child they could invariably prove had shown delinquent behaviour, they always believed the staff.

What was never taken even vaguely into consideration was the sad fact that a child who found him or herself in care for no reason of their own would inevitably, because they were abused, become delinquent, and so trapped.

By Simon Regan

While the government has decided to play down their disastrous preaching about back to so-called basics, the scandals involving their own members continue to grow.

The story so far

In edition 20 of Scallywag we named 11 of the estimated 60 gay members of Parliament, including two cabinet ministers, Peter Lilley and Michael Portillo. It was never intended to be an anti-gay project as such, but an exercise in highlighting the gross hypocrisy of the present government and its policies. In the next edition we took the story far further and gave chapter and verse on how a dangerous right-wing conspiracy had been hatched a quarter of a century ago at Peterhouse College, Cambridge. In this edition we expose the perverted actions of Lord McAlpine and the extent to which a national paedophile ring reached the very doors of Parliament.

This Peterhouse connection was led by a brilliant historian called Maurice Cowling who set his sights on one of the most ambitious students, one Michael Portillo. Since then, Cowling has masterminded Portillo's political career - infiltrating key members of his 'team' into influential positions in Whitehall, Conservative Central Office, and Parliament itself. Most of these Cowling Cowboys were gay and had an inordinate influence on political thinking.

There was a curious piece in the Guardian attempting to have a libel action against us funded by the Government. Strangely, this also included a PPS of his called William Hague whose office strongly denied he intended to take action.

Then we heard that Maurice Cowling, the evil mastermind behind all this, had called Portillo to read out to him a letter he had written to the Times refuting our allegations. Apparently, within hearing distance of the entire ministry, Portillo went apeshit and threatened his former history tutor with the dire consequences of any kind of retaliation. "Ignore them. They'll go away. Everyone else is as terrified as hell. I've made sure of that," was Michael's considered advice.

Bottomley bottoms out

Why did Peter Bottomley - so obviously groomed for high places - suddenly 'opt' to go into obscurity and leave the major running to his wife? It was not the normal behavior of an ambitious politico on the make, which he undoubtedly was. Being a Junior Minister for Northern Ireland is not exactly the bee's knees, but it is a healthy step up the ladder.

The question begs many others. For instance, if he had absolutely nothing to hide, why did he barrack (to the point of 'dementia'), the people holding a disciplinary hearing into serious child abuse at the Melanie Klein children's home in Greenwich? And why, when Thames television began an investigation into the situation at the home, did he embark on an unprecedented screaming match - not just with the programme - but with the hierarchy of the Thames board, to have the film suppressed?

The case first came about because a caretaker had been accused of interfering with some of the young females at another children's home in the borough; taking photographs of them in compromising poses; aiding them to leave the home until late at night; aiding them to obtain drugs and alcohol; and of generally debauched behavior.

Wrathful

At a subsequent, secret enquiry, this did not seem to be in dispute. But, rather than prosecute or pay him off in disgrace, Greenwich council decided (behind closed doors) merely to move him - to the already controversial Melanie Klein home.

So where does Mr Bottomley come in? No one would have noticed if he hadn't gone completely overboard in his insistence that nothing of the case should ever be seen in the media. But this very wrathful insistence was unusual in a member of the government.

He argued at the time that the caretaker was one of his constituents and he felt the man was being unfairly treated. He denied this without seeing any evidence, nor even asking for it. He did not ask for this Thames TV, who would have happily invited him to a private showing of their programme.

He decided this arbitrarily, without any kind of consultation with anyone we can trace. All we know is that in both areas he was "heavy-handed, bullying, and reckless". He did not know the TV production only referred to him in passing, as the caretaker's MP, and that he had sent a representation to the investigating tribunal, which he was absolutely perfectly entitled to do. One of the TV producers involved said: "I have never known such a classic case of protesting too much. Especially as his only claim was that he was protecting the interests of his constituent".

By Angus James

A gay paedophile ring working from children's home throughout the country leads straight to the doors of Parliament and Tory Party Central Office.

We have documentary evidence that former Tory party treasurer Lord McAlpine indulged in oral sex with an underage boy. We have evidence that Derek Laud, close friend of Michael Brown MP, sodomised an underage boy at one children's home so savagely that the child received hospital treatment for a ruptured anus. And we have evidence that Alan Beck, known in gay circles as Sister Latex, and a confidant of Michael Portillo since Peterhouse College, Cambridge, was accused of raping an underage boy in his care.

This 'rent boy' ring has operated for more than 20 years, and is still in operation at addresses all over Britain, despite the fact that the mastermind behind it all is at present on bail awaiting trial with 10 specimen cases against him.

As the case is sub judice, we will call this man Mr X [John Ernest Allen]. It is not the intention of this magazine to be in contempt of court.

There is overwhelming evidence that, for years, young boys in care were systematically raped and abused by Mr X and many other, influential, people; that thousands of pounds of public money was misused in order to set up 'training camps' at children's homes in Wrexham, Holyhead, Gwynedd, Shropshire and London, where children as young as four were schooled in the art of male prostitution.

Playground for perverts

The children's homes collectively called the Bryn Alyn Community, under the management of Mr X, turned over in excess of £12 million every year. It cost £1,000-£1,500 per week of public money to keep a child in care. According to the policeman in charge of the investigation, Supt Ackerley, £440,000 disappeared from the accounts in 1987 alone. We know this money was used to fund luxury flats in London, Brighton and elsewhere. These apartments were high class homosexual brothels, where Mr X kept, on a permanent basis, rent boys to cater for his VIP clients. Regular visitors included not only Lord McAlpine, who always enjoyed preferential treatment from Mr X when he turned up at one of the homes in search of a little boy, but also other establishment figures such as the late Lord Kenyon, former Chairman of the North Wales Police Authority, Wyn Roberts, MP for Conwy and currently Minister of State at the Welsh Office, Adam Mars-Jones, son of Mr Justice Jones and the regular film critic on the Independent newspaper, and six police officers, among them a former superintendent and prominent freemason in Clwyd, Gordon Anglesea, who has since retired and is, at present, under prosecution for raping a minor. The police are aware of allegations of paedophile activities against all of the above.

Part of this story has been reported in other papers. In fact, the Observer, the Independent on Sunday, HTV and Private Eye are being sued for libel by ex Supt Anglesea. But ever since the illegal activities inside the Bryn Alyn Community were exposed, shortly after the local council in North Wales had changed from Tory hands to Labour, no one has got to the bottom of it. No one has dared mention the name of Lord McAlpine in connection with sex with an underage boy, even though there is in existence a sworn affidavit from the victim and a sworn police statement, and despite the fact that the police in the case against Mr X seem to take the victim seriously enough to use him as a chief witness for the prosecution. No one has stumbled across the connection between the paedophile ring and close friends of Portillo and Lilley. Or, for that matter, traced paedophile material produced by one of Mr X's companies in Amsterdam to an address in Dolphin Square, which we have stated in previous issues was under surveillance for some time by British Customs and where Portillo and Lilley were known to visit.

Let's recap the story surrounding Mr X and the homes he managed. Until a Labour council took control in Clwyd in 1989, Mr X had enjoyed virtual immunity under the protection of corrupt and implicated policemen and with the connivance of the Conservative council who had repressed files of photographic evidence which showed beaten and bruised children for over eight years before and were well aware of the rumours gushing out of homes in Gwynedd and Wrexham, but who did nothing to investigate them. In fact, the moment the council did react, over 300 victims of child abuse came to light. In Gwynedd alone there were 146 separate allegations during 1980-90. It led Malcolm King, chairman of Clwyd's Social Services to remark: "We are looking at the biggest failure to protect children in the history of Britain".

The names

The scandal involved girls as well as boys, one as young as nine. There were five illegitimate pregnancies recorded and numerous accusations of savage violence and rape perpetrated by members of staff under the control of Mr X. Not surprisingly there were also bitter claims of a cover up going back more than a decade. Indeed, a former North Wales Police Authority Chairman claimed his calls six years before for an inquiry had been deliberately stifled. However, in 1989, an internal police inquiry led by Det Supt Ackerley took over 1,500 statements. A later Joplin inquiry put under suspicion the following six police officers, all of whom have now taken early retirement:

Supt Anglesea
Sgt Mike Roach
Sgt Geraint Morgan
PC David Rodgers
PC Peter Sharman
DC Gary Probert

There were stories of witnesses and people associated with the inquiry being intimidated. Alex Saddington, the Welsh coordinator for the National Association of Young People in Care, was beaten up and had chemicals sprayed in his eyes. Steven Messham, a key witness against Supt Anglesea, was beaten up for the second time. A local BBC journalist who had been working on the child abuse case for 18 months was the victim of a mysterious burglary.

Raped

Press coverage centred on the testimony of Steven Messham and Mark Humphries, boys who gave a gruesome account of how they had been raped repeatedly by Anglesea. Humphries described in vivid detail one Christmas holiday at Clwyd House in the Bryn Estyn School: "On one occasion, he entered my bedroom, attacked me and grabbed my penis. On the second occasion, several days later, he entered my room, pounced on me and held my wrists with his hand so I could not move. He ripped my pyjama shirt and trousers off and pinned me to the bed, face down, and raped me. I believe I was 13 years old at the time".

Mr X was later prosecuted on ten counts of sexual abuse. Case files on the six police officers under suspicion, including Anglesea, were sent to the CPS. No prosecutions followed. The CPS stated: "It is not in the public interest to prosecute these police officers". Instead, the men who had been responsible for ruining the lives of many young helpless boys were nudged gently into retirement with handsome commutation payments and pensions intact. All the officers with allegations against them were active freemasons.

The trial of Mr X will take place some time in the summer.

The empire of Mr X

At the time of the child abuse enquiries, the press only scratched the surface of a paedophile porn empire created by Mr X over 20 years. It was almost inconceivably evil; to take little boys in care from homes owned by Mr X such as 34 Inverness Terrace, Bayswater, which has since closed down, or from homes in Castle Road and Finchley Place in London, and subject these children to systematic abuse over a period of years, so they began to accept this treatment as perfectly normal. Many of the victims, as adults, now suffer from grave psychological problems, manic depression, and drug and alcohol dependencies.

There was a great deal of money to be made. Mr X, first and foremost, was a businessman. He used to hire out boys as caddies to the more prestigious members of Wrexham Golf Club. They were forced to do a lot more than simply carry the clubs. For the right price, boys could be collected from any one of his homes and taken out for the night. His favourites were lavishly wined and dined, showered in expensive gifts and often farmed out to one of his many rent boy brothels throughout the country. For example, Stephen Fong, who was moved to 66 Stockwell Grove, Wrexham, had the house bought for him, along with a top of the range white Sierra car. Mr X also financially maintained numerous boys at houses in Edgware Road, London, Chester Road, Manchester, Nevinson Avenue, South Shields, Queens Park, Wrexham, Rock Street, Brighton, and so on. All these addressed were used by wealthy paedophiles for sex for cash.

The den at Dolphin Square

Mr X also had a ready supply of boys to use in his burgeoning film business. Through a company owned by his niece in Copenhagen, paedophile material was transported to London for private showings in Dolphin Square and nearby in Winchester Street, Pimlico, where Derek Laud, Michael Brown MP's boyfriend, had set up home.

A source in Dolphin Square told us: "We often have underage boys wandering the corridors, totally lost, asking for the flat of a particular MP." According to our source, young boys were often guests at private parties in Dolphin Square lasting into the small hours. "David Steel, who has an apartment here, is rather fond of late nights", our source added.

We can reveal Mr X supplied boys to Dolphin Square on a regular basis.

The rich and powerful trusted Mr X to be discreet. That meant him sometimes ruling his juvenile empire with a rod of iron. If a boy crossed him the least he could expect was a beating, the worst, as in the case of Adrian Johns, 16, was to lose his life. Eighteen months ago Johns was living with four other boys in a boarding house in Brighton. It was just another brothel, funded by Mr X. Johns, however, got greedy and threatened to blackmail his boss. Soon afterwards, the boarding house went up in flames. All the boys died in the fire. The Sussex Fire Brigade deduced it was arson. A culprit was found. Another young boy claimed he had started the fire as a 'prank'. He mysteriously fell under a bus and was crushed to death. Today, the Fire Brigade are pressing to have the case reopened. The prime suspect is Mr X.

Apart from the children's home, the upmarket prostitution, and a lucrative sideline in paedophile literature, Mr X had six other businesses. With sick irony, through two of his companies, Video People and Tape to Tape, he produced a song for charity in 1988. The charity was Save the Children. By all accounts, it did rather well.

McAlpine is a pervert

He is one of Britain's richest and most respectable men, a pillar of the establishment and a bulwark of the Conservative party. However, a damning police statement and a sworn affidavit from a boy called Paul casts potentially ruinous doubt over Lord McAlpine's character. He is a copper bottomed, true blue pervert who, it appears, enjoys nothing better than being sucked off by little children. Indeed, long before he sought the services of Mr X, McAlpine was indulging in his sordid desires. In 1965 he was formally cautioned by Strathclyde police for a sexual offence against a minor. But he got away with it. Men of his wealth and standing usually do.

However, Paul's crucial testimony does not let Lord McAlpine off so easily. In November 1985, Paul was 17 years old and living in a half-way house owned by the Bryn Alyn Community at Summerhill on the outskirts of Wrexham. He was one of Mr X's prize boys, who had been taken into care aged four and had continually homosexually abused at Norton School in Warwickshire from the age of eight. The older boys used to bugger him every night. Mr X found him when he was fourteen, and was immediately attracted by the fact that he was a punk and wore red lipstick. He immediately persuaded Paul to suck his cock. In the boy's own words: "he liked to be fucked and ... blow jobs".

Fellatio

Mr X obviously thought Paul was extremely promising, because when Lord McAlpine came in search of a young boy to molest, Paul was chosen as the one to service one of his master's most important clients. He was told to go out for the night within him, to be good and give him what he wanted. At this stage Paul had no idea who the well dressed man with greying hair and a roundish face really was. He was taken for an expensive meal at a restaurant in Chester. His benefactor paid with a gold credit card and Paul noticed a selection of other cards tucked into his wallet.

Driving back to Summerhill, McAlpine stopped the car in a lay-by, where Paul was required to suck him off. Afterwards, he was deposited back at the home with the promise of a Christmas hamper, which never arrived.

Paul left Summerhill a deeply confused and depressed young man. For a while he lived in Brighton and was supported by Mr X, until, finally, he broke away and severed all ties. But it was not until Brian Johnson-Thomas's article about Supt Anglesea appeared in Private Eye in January 1993 that Paul summoned the courage to speak out. He contacted Thomas and after several detailed interviews was persuaded to give evidence to the police.

McApline identified

Thomas, who had heard various rumours about McAlpine's activities, and believed there was a connection with Mr X, showed Paul four photographs of completely different men, all of about the same age, who could have easily fitted Paul's description. One of the shots was of Lord McAlpine. Paul identified him immediately. There was not a moment's hesitation or scrap of doubt. He was absolutely certain McAlpine was the man.

Superintendent Ackerley, the man in charge of the child abuse investigation, took Paul's testimony in person and believed him. A formal statement was made to North Wales CID. Two officers interviewed Paul for two days. His testimony and the photographs used to identify Lord McAlpine are now with the police pending the trial. However, we have Paul's sworn affidavit given to Thomas.

He is now 25 and living in a stable homosexual relationship in Brighton. He has no connection with male prostitution, and, to this day, stands by every word of his statement.

Good "Golly", Ms Polly

In Scallywag 21 we told you how, soon after their marriage, Mr and Mrs Portillo went on holiday with Michael Brown MP, and his 'friend', a black youth who they all nicknamed Golly. Along on this mysterious trip also went Tony Hutt, who we alleged was an actively gay lobbyist with the firm of GJW Government Relations. But who was "Golly"?

By taking him on holiday the Portillos were in good company. "Golly" is no other than half-caste nephew and research assistant of Lord Pitt, and was the black face pictured at the window of Number Ten as Maggie peeped through the partially opened curtains on the day she quit.

His name is Derek Laud and it was he who introduced footballer Justin Fashanu to Westminster's seedier inhabitants. It was alleged by Fashanu himself on tape that this included both Portillo and Lilley in a three-in-a-bed romp, although under intense pressure from somewhere he later denied he had ever said it.

But, if Fashanu was telling the truth, he may have been introduced to many other well known Parliamentary personalities, and you can throw in some royals for good measure. Laud has been on holiday with Lilley, Chris Chataway, and Jeffrey Archer. He enjoys entertaining his boyfriends at fashionable Le Caprice where he treats the waiters like horse dung. He has often been seen there with Fergie's friend John Bryan, and also Diana's hairdresser, who was rumoured to have been bribed by Diana to take the rap on a drugs charge.

Royal connection

After leaving a lunch with Fergie's boyfriend (who was going off to meet her elsewhere) he then joined Andrew and a sailor pal at the royal home in Dorset for all sorts of fun and games.

He was involved somewhere in the middle of the Diana-Gilbey scandal and is a frequent visitor to David Steel's flat in the now notorious Dolphin Square. "Golly" rarely entertains anyone of note at his Winchester Street, Pimlico, flat (just around the corner from Dolphin Square) but neighbours report he often takes young men home and they generally stay all night. The Dolphin Square restaurant, of course, is where both Lilley and Portillo dine most Friday nights and was for a time under scrutiny by HM Customs after they had intercepted paedophile material at Mount Pleasant.

Young men who have visited him in Pimlico, who we have talked to, allege he is 'trying them out' for higher things. Fashanu was one such.

Laud is a consultant with Ludgate Communications, a high-powered political public relations outfit, which moves in political, business and royal circles. In this capacity Laud has even written speeches for Prince Charles.

As a speech writer he may legitimately have visited many prominent politicians, but it is unlikely he would have gone on holiday with Portillo, Brown, Hutt and Co, to cross the 't's and dot the 'i's on a possible oration.

In his public relations capacity he is a frequent visitor to Conservative Central Officer where he meets Alistair Cooke [Lord Lexden], one of the original right-wing conspirators of the Maurice Cowling days in Cambridge, who has surrounded himself with bright young things, most of whom are frequent visitors to Winchester Street.

But there is more to Derek Laud than this.

Cover-up

The story goes on in a disgraceful catalogue of abuse, exploitation and cover-ups on an unprecedented scale. Among all the sad testimonies from the victims, two names emerge that connect the paedophile ring directly with Michael Portillo, Peter Lilley and other high ranking Tories. The first is the above-mentioned Derek Laud, who wanders with equanimity in the House of Parliament. The second is Alan Beck, alias Sister Latex, and an old friend of Portillo's from Cambridge.

We have known about Laud for a long time. There is no doubt about his old association with Brown. It was an old yarn. The News of the World had run an article on Laud serving tea to Brown in a skimpy frilly pinny six years ago. We had reason to believe that Laud had screwed Portillo and Lilley on several occasions. But it came as a revelation to learn that Derek Laud was also a practising paedophile.

Stephen Hasshim was only 13 when he was introduced to Laud. He was living in care at Greystones Heath children's home in Merseyside. Gary Cooke [aka Mark Grainger], an associate of Mr X, who is now in prison for child abuse, brought Laud in on the recommendation of Mr X. He gave him Stephen for the night. The child was repeatedly brutally buggered by Laud. He has since stated that the man had such a large penis that it was excruciatingly painful. In fact, the next day Stephen Hasshim had to go to hospital and receive treatment for a ruptured anus. He never met Laud again, but has positively identified him and remembers his name.

Sister Latex

Alan Beck was a source on the Portillo/Lilley story. He called us in mid-February to scotch the rumours about Portillo's homosexuality. He was a set-up and we knew it. He claimed that he was the only homosexual to 'come out' at Peterhouse. This was not true, we have spoken to others who also freely admitted their sexual proclivities at the time. He admitted there was an influential ultra right wing homosexual set at Peterhouse, but denied he was a part of it. This was untrue. We have spoken to other sources at Cambridge who state categorically that Alan Beck was deeply involved with the group of gays under the control of Professor Maurice Cowling. Beck told us on the one hand that Peterhouse was a very intimate college with only 120 students, then, mysteriously, could not remember any of their names. However, he did remember Portillo, but denied there was evidence that he was gay. This was bullshit.

Beck may have been a liar activated by interested parties to feed us disinformation, but, like Laud, we had no reason to suspect he was a paedophile. That is, until we were made aware of an incident that happened in 1982 involving another fourteen year old boy, David Sellers.

Buggered

Alan Beck helped organised a farm holiday for the kids at Greystone Heath. The trip was under the stewardship of a newly qualified social worked called Alan Langshaw, who was subsequently divorced after the non-consummation of his marriage and suspended from his duties during a later spell at a home in Formby. Langshaw was a close associate of paedophile Steven Norris, who also went on the trip, and has since been convicted for child abuse.

While at the farm in Leicestershire, David Sellers was raped savagely by Beck. The day afterwards, a distraught Sellers told Wrexham police everything that had happened. Beck was questioned at length, but, mysteriously, no prosecution followed. This was almost certainly due to the fact that Supt Anglesea was the man in charge. It is not unreasonable to speculate that Sister Latex called in a few favours from his old Peterhouse chums in order to get himself off the hook.

It remains to be seen whether, under the scrutiny of the court, perverts like McAlpine, Derek Laud and Alan Beck will wriggle out of it again.

Scallywag says

This whole sordid saga does not come as a surprise. Having investigated this and other stories concerning the depraved activities of certain Tory MPs, nothing is surprising any more. There seems to be no end to it.

There can be little doubt that one of Britain's most ambitious and profitable paedophile rings, run by a ruthless pervert, had direct connections with leading Tories; that large sums of public money were misused to fund a network of rent boy brothels; and that politicians involved in the ring, in particular former treasurer Lord McAlpine, were fully aware of these funds being misappropriated.

Paul, the boy who claims to have been molested by Lord McAlpine, has never wavered from the statement that he gave to police and the affidavit he swore to journalist Brian Johnson-Thomas. There is no reason to doubt his word. Even the police seem happy that Paul is a credible witness for the prosecution and is capable of withstanding cross examination by eminent QCs. Therefore, taking Paul's testimony into account, and the formal warning by Strathclyde police against McAlpine for a similar offence in 1965, the conclusion must be that Lord McAlpine is not only a crook, but a paedophile.

Should Lord McAlpine choose to consult his solicitors over the story we have printed, we would welcome the opportunity of dragging his name through the courts. Should he choose not to take action, then let his silence incriminate him. We shall defend our story assiduously, for no one was there to defend the children continually abused by their rich and powerful overseers.

There is no evidence, as yet, that either Michael Portillo or Peter Lilley was involved directly in the paedophile ring. However, people very close to them were. There have been continual rumours that both ministers indulge in underage rent boys. Derek Laud, a frequent visitor to Parliament and a paedophile, is a strange friend for supposedly reputable ministers. Alan Beck, a rapist and child abuser, is equally suspect. It is implausible that Portillo and Lilley are not aware of the paedophile ring. And it is very likely Laud would have told them. So, if they don't rape little boys themselves, they know a man who does.

Likewise, should Messrs Portillo and Lilley choose to take legal action, as we have heard they might, we not have the slightest compunction about the eventual outcome. And, by the way, just for the record, the editors of Scallywag absolutely hate satsumas.

Since we started this enquiry we have had the death of [Stephen] Milligan in the most peculiar circumstances; the further death of James Rusbridger who had, according to ITN, been on the point of disclosing both the names of gay Tory MPs and paedophile material from within the royal family; a total [Justin] Fashanu turnaround; and a very sudden story emanating from the very depths of Parliament that 14 MPs had been told to get married before the next election because the 'gay situation' had become untenable.

Can this all really be coincidence?

Westminster and the gay community have been rife with paranoia as the real gay scandal, brewing in Parliament for months, seemed ready to blow on the back of the death of Stephen Milligan.

The sordid Milligan tragedy's exact details had at first been unclear; was a sexual accomplice involved, and what were the exact causes of death? But, after intense pathologists' reports and a full postmortem, the police had managed to gather no evidence that the death had been anything other than self-inflicted.

Immediately the police got into a contretemps with Westminster over how they had handled the press, with Tory MPs and ministers openly accusing them of actually being in the media's pay. But it now emerges it was far more likely the hapless Milligan secretary, Vera Taggart, who had discovered the body, called the dead MP's girlfriend and Daily Telegraph lobby correspondent, Julie Kirkbride, and probably others, to report what she had found BEFORE she dialled 999.

This would explain the time discrepancy between when police believe the body was found and when they arrived. Quite clearly, if Ms Kirkbride was seen in the commons press office sobbing uncontrollably, and the story had whipped around that lobby, it would have got to news desks within a handful of minutes, even seconds. The tabloids are not slow when they sniff a big one. Only after this did Ms Taggart call the police. This curious time difference is why she was interviewed by police a second time.

But as the initial shock of Milligan's death subsided, paranoid rumour was gripping Westminster. Police had quickly conjectured this may well be a homosexual-connected ritual death, if not murder, and the heat was quickly put on the gay community. This proved negative, but the Tory whips went into action to ward off any further flak as, buffeted by almost every other kind of scandal, their big secret gay scandal seemed about to burst.

Fever Pitch

Knowing full well that Scallywag, followed by almost the entire cross-political media, had been investigating the secret gay factions in Westminster, Tory whips were scared the continuing disaster was going to head off in a new, damaging, direction. By Monday reactions were at fever pitch and the next day's Independent (a paper which has kept very close to this story from the beginning) published a report saying 14 suspected gays had been 'given a good talking to and told to marry before the next election'.

Leaving aside the morality of asking a man to marry a woman for political gain, and the fairness to the woman, this meant the Major administration could no longer ignore the political implications of its secret homosexual cliques.

In fact there is no evidence that constituents give much of a toss about an MP's sexual persuasions, as long as they are good constituency members, so, perhaps paradoxically, almost every person either facing scandal or on the whips' 'suspect hit list' was first class at their jobs and most were hovering on promotion.

Nevertheless, by the time of the Milligan death, there were by now many, many, questions (only guessed at by a perplexed public who were not at all sure what the hell was going on) without convincing answers.

Fashanu Gatecrashes

Fly-by-nights such as Lindi St Clair, also known as '"Miss Whiplash", notorious casher-in on any political scandal but highly discredited, burst onto the scene; and then, not without expectation, Justin Fashanu, the openly gay footballer. We thanked Ms St Clair for her call but did not call back,

Fashanu had to be taken more seriously because we had heard from perhaps half a dozen sources that he had shared a bed with Portillo and Lilley over a number of years and had joined in toy-boy romps at a house in Westminster owned or rented by the two ministers. He had boasted of this widely, and not just within the gay circles he enjoyed frequenting. It was parlour-talk in sporting circles, throughout the media, and most certainly in Westminster - talk fed mainly by Fashanu himself.

Notwithstanding, here was one person who was actually saying: "I copulated with two government ministers and I'm willing to name them."

Fashanu, perhaps sending the story might break without him being able to cash in, decided to take the initiative and go to both the News of the World and the Sunday People. The People had been fascinated by the gay story and was busy following up every lead they could find. It agreed to fly the footballer to London, put him up for a few days in some style, and give him a £1,000 cheque for his 'trouble'. During that interview he blurted his mouth off, asking for £300,000 for his 'exclusive'. Several hours of taped and witnessed words resulted, in which Fashanu specifically stated and confirmed the three-in-a-bed romps with Portillo and Lilley.

Threatened?

In effect, the Sunday People stitched him up, using the story (but not the names), and on the very next day Fashanu made a grovelling and silly denial that the interview had even taken place. He put on a token press conference on the steps of his house, but was sacked from his job anyway. Even if he had been telling the truth, he'd blown it through greed and, anyway, the two-man team from the People, well-known to us for their thoroughness, didn't believe him (he was unable to substantiate a single thing over and above his own word, which quickly became suspect).

Did he panic when he realised the full implications of any possible link to the Milligan death? Or, between the time the interviews took place and his Monday morning denial, had Fashanu been 'got at'? Had he been threatened, or even bribed? We knew of the existence of a significant slush fund set up by Tim Sainsbury to bail out problem MPs - there are tens of thousands of pounds set aside by Conservative Central Office for such occasions. It seems plain that if Fashanu had not been paid off or menaced, then it would have been in his interests to rescue the dregs of his credibility by standing at least on the hypocrisy issue and saying: "I don't care about the money, but these people should be exposed."

Vindictive

With Fashanu out of the way it looked as if the Tory gay bombshell, despite the panics over Milligan, may have been defused. But the volcano was still spitting. Paddy Ashdown's former mistress, Tricia Howard, who worked in Ashdown's office for several years, revealed that some of the self-righteous MPs who had condemned her were actively gay and enjoyed nothing more than dressing up as French maids. She quoted "several ministers" but, once again, the deadly media lawyers wouldn't let anyone elucidate more specifically. Ms Howard has no real axe to grind and her affair was virtually forgotten. In our opinion he is most credible.

Scallywag's offices were inundated by an almost unprecedented amount of fresh information. Most was tantalisingly off the record or anonymous; given by phone, letter, or at carefully contrived lunches in which at least one MP we had names as gay (Scallywag 20) enjoyed our hospitality. Some was vindictive balderdash. Many were trying to get information from us, or telling us stuff they could not print in their own organs. It was all fascinating, but we were acutely aware we had become central to the 'Rumour Factory.'

This curious phenomenon embraces Westminster, the media, the gay 'establishment' and Whitehall, adventurous freelance journalists, and freeloaders, and every trader in illicit tittle-tattle and innuendo, in addition to plain liars, after notoriety. A rum bunch when taken in a cocktail.

Nevertheless, curiously, the same names from entirely unrelated sources kept coming back, and so our questions went on.

The Peterhouse Connection

Central to our own enquiry was Peterhouse College, Cambridge. Peterhouse holds many keys and the doors they open become more and more fascinating. We had a rather loose allegation that the young, but bitingly ambitious, Michael Portillo once had an affair with his college history tutor, Maurice Cowling, and that they had been caught on the floor, in the act of flagrant copulation, by a fellow student. We called Cowling, a brilliant historian, in his present-day hideaway in Long Island. He said Portillo was a dangerous and ambitious man, and dismissed the story as "absolute crap": the incident had simply not happened. He admitted he knew Michael, but had no idea of his private life outside college. On the direct question of whether he was himself gay he would only say: "I have never been found in any kind of compromising situation with any student." We pressed the point, but he would merely repeat himself. An interestingly-constructed denial!

Cowling lied to us and we challenge him to test us on this. Behind the scenes at Peterhouse (where he ruled the political roost) he was a very powerful and manipulative, ultra-right wing, eminence grise. Politically at least, this put him extremely close to Portillo and their friendship extended far, far, beyond tutorials.

Portillo, meanwhile, was ruthless and totally single-minded. A college contemporary remembers Portillo looking back on his own father's life with disdain, saying: "My father was a Spanish republican with principles and, by God, he suffered for it. I don't have any principles. I just want to get to the top and bring as much pain to as many people on the way as possible".

Sister Latex

We talked to many Peterhouse students. In the early to mid-seventies Cowling did in fact run a most interesting political group of extreme right-wingers, within which Portillo quickly became a darling. One fellow member was a self-confessed 'queen', Alan Beck, known by the group as 'Sister Latex'. With only some 120 student at the college, 'all lived in each other's pockets' - politically, sexually, socially, and academically. Portillo is portrayed by his contemporaries as vicious, ambitious, self-adoring, brilliant, conceited, dangerous, wholly amoral, sexually promiscuous, and exactly what that particular group of extreme right-wingers thought would make an excellent future prime minister. As such, Cowling decided to sponsor him politically and to 'handle' his early political career. He even introduced himself to group newcomers as "the future prime minister's patron."

This now becomes one of the most fascinating stories of the Peterhouse period. Cowling knew very well the hugely egotistical Portillo would need expert help, backing and advice. And, when the grooming began, Portillo was relentless in using every potentially influential or otherwise useful person who came his way, gay or not.

Central to the Cowling set-up was a certain Alistair Cooke OBE [Lord Lexden], a fellow history student reputed to be another lover of Cowling, who felt (almost certainly with reason) that the real political power lay not in Parliament itself, which he openly considered to be a sideshow. He felt it resided within the guiding bodies of the political parties, like Conservative Central Office, and within the Whitehall establishment which regularly manipulated, with great force, its own ministers. Cooke was reputedly the core of the whole homosexual ring at Peterhouse.

Mrs Thatcher

At Cowling's connivance, Cooke quickly entered Conservative Central office, specifically to back Margaret Thatcher until the protoge, Portillo, was ready for office. One of our most convincing sources alleges he managed to mastermind, very quickly, a homosexual inner circle within the CCO and then go on to claim the highly influential offices of the Conservative Political Centre (CPC) AND the Conservative Research Department (CRD). In fact, he became the new epicentre of a a hardcore, self-perpetuating, clique of homosexuals at the very heart of Central Office. 

(It is a serious conjecture that when Maggie Thatcher was ousted, CCO masterminded the insipid John Major as interim PM - thinking, wrongly, he'd be a good boy and go when they were ready to put in their own man.)

Portillo joined the CRD almost directly from Peterhouse, under the auspices of Cooke. Lilley and Edward Leigh soon joined him, and the quartet planned their strategy.

A measure of Portillo's political and sexual cynicism is gained from the comparative careers of he and his friend David Nicholson MP. In 1979 both were candidates for positions within the Conservative Research Department. Nicholson was an overt sado-masochist, and would have made little attempt to hide his cravings. Portillo, whilst allegedly sharing many of Nicholson's bizarre sexual penchants, and already himself the victim of rumours about his attraction to bondage and leather gear, profoundly disparaged his colleague's lack of political shrewdness. Portillo was extremely careful: sex, and its darker side, was to be used for political expediency as much as for pleasure. His caution paid off. Nicholson failed CRD's positive vetting while Portillo passed with flying colours.

Hilarity

Outside politics both Lilley and Portillo had other jobs. Portillo had a brief spell with oil company Kerr-McGee, while Lilley was an oil and energy consultant with W. Greenhall. Both worked at that time as consultants for the Conservative Research Department, and Portillo soon became special advisor to the Secretary of State for Energy, the 'notoriously heterosexual' John Moore.

But both men, Portillo in particular, now protected by both Cooke and Cowling, had little interest in these mundane jobs on the periphery of government. In 1982 Portillo began to groom himself for a constituency and was told, quite categorically, he would not get a safe one unless he married. He apparently courted Carolyn Eadie (Portillo was an old boy of Harrow Boys' School, while she was formerly of Harrow Girls' School and Oxford) as quickly as possible, married her, and was promptly voted in at Southgate two years later. In the CRD this was a matter of huge hilarity where his gay tendencies (motivated either by sexuality or ambition) were very well known. Eadie had known Portillo for ten years, roughly the same time he had known the actor Simon Chandler, an old Cowling hand and, lately, Rev Farebrother in BBC TV's 'Middlemarch'.

Portillo met Chandler shortly after leaving school. The 'friendship' continued throughout Polly's Cambridge days, where Chandler was a frequent visitor. The two boys used to stay in the same room and were said, by the many who remember, to be extremely close. Indeed, Chandler then went on to share a flat with Eadie (she is also rumoured to be bisexual).

Chandler is one of the names which keeps cropping up in this story, the more we go into its murky depths. The gay community say they 'know him well'. And we do know he was a constant visitor to Peterhouse during the relevant period. So we contacted his agent, who came back quickly to say his client "refused to comment". Chandler was also contacted by a national newspaper, and had not denied or confirmed the allegation that he had had an affair with Portillo.

It was Chandler who introduced Carolyn Eadie when Portillo was desperately searching for a 'token' wife. (The latest twist, that the whips have demanded gay suspects in the Tory party should find a wife before the next election, therefore seems strangely relevant). Simon Chandler is presently in Ibsen's 'A Doll's House' at the New End Theatre in Hampstead, North London.

The Plot Thickens

Whether Portillo is gay or not, it certainly appears he was quite willing to pose as one if it was politically expedient. Lilley had also rushed into a marriage of convenien, but his quickly floundered (his wife now lives almost permanently in a cottage in Normandy).

Meanwhile, onto the Cowling scene quickly emerged another interesting set of ambitious politicos including Sir Fergus Montgomery, who had re-encountered Cowling during a lecture tour of the USA; Peter Luff, who had married hastily in the same year as Portillo; Matthew Banks MP, who we have already listed as gay; Alan Duncan; and the man who would later become Portillo's PPS, David Amess, and who would be most indiscreet about his boss's inclinations. Luff was very close to Portillo after both of them met at Cambridge, and later they worked together at the CCO's research department. He remains part of Portillo's political think tank and may expect high office is Portillo ever gets to Downing Street,

On to the scene at some stage came David Nicholson MP, masterminded by Cooke. He created a right-win clan known as the "Nicholson Boys" - all predominantly gay. This small but influential group put themselves firmly behind the Portillo-Lilley right-wing potential bid for the party leadership. The plot that had all started 20 years before in the history tutorials at Peterhouse began to thicken.

Curious

Another funny old name which keeps cropping up is Tony Hutt, a professional lobbyist and close Portillo confidant whose patron is John Gummer, the Minister for Agriculture. We have absolutely no evidence, not even a suggestion, that Gummer is gay or part of the homosexual clique. But Hutt almost certainly is.

Hutt was a front-runner in the firm of GJW Government Relations, which has a most curious background. It was set up by three former PPSs to Edward Heath, James Callaghan, and Harold Wilson - clearly a case of ambitious juniors cashing in on their newfound influence. He was also a "Nicholson Boy". GJW is the initials if Jaeger, Gifford and Weeks, although we are not sure which represented which party. But Hutt was recruited by them almost as soon as Portillo got a safe seat. (Won, by the way, at a by-election - almost unprecedented for a newcomer).

Other prominent political lobbyists who emerged at the same time as Portillo entered Westminster were the firm of Greer-Russell. Greer was a gay who specialised in recruiting gay MPs. Subsequently Greer and Russell split up their partnership and Greer went into business on his own. According to our sources he recruits only gay researchers, who prey on the homosexual lobby in Parliament.

Used or abused

Contacts at the CCO, maybe out of political chicanery because they were not part of the rampant homosexual clique run by the ever-powerful Cooke, were keen to discredit what they saw as a Peterhouse gay plot which threatened their very existence. But by now the clique was so powerful and so deep rooted that all opposition fell on stony ground. Since reaching office Portillo has surrounded himself with a small think-tank drawn from friends he made at Peterhouse and in the CCO. Indeed, many MPs still refer to them as "Polly's little boys".

There is no doubt in our minds that Maurice Cowling initiated and used or abused a homosexual ring at Peterhouse for his own political ambitions, thinking he could be a power-broker behind the throne; and that the all-powerful Alistair Cooke created, perhaps for the same reasons, a homosexual clique to which Portillo once belonged; that Sister Latex procured men to this exclusive circle, which included the actor Simon Chandler; that Peter Lilley got to Parliament first and helped the Cowling plan; and that Lilley was a protagonist in putting up a right-wing front, based on homosexual activities of one sort or another, paving the way for Portillo's eventual arrival.

Alan Beck (now working as a lecturer in a London university) admitted to us he had 'come out' when he was 16, and that a notorious homosexual ring existed, masterminded by Cowling, at Peterhouse. But when we mentioned his friendship with Portillo, he insisted the rest of the conversation should be 'off the record'.

We put all this to Cowling (having tape recorded all out conversations). When we asked him directly whether Portillo had taken part in gay activities at the college, he hesitated for a long time before saying that, frankly, he did not know. "As tutor and pupil we were very close but I have no idea what Michael got up to when he was not on the campus."

Maggie's visit

The whole Peterhouse period came at the beginning of the end of Edward Heath, a music-loving bachelor who was also a friend of Cowling. At Cowling's invitation Margaret Thatcher visited Cambridge and was impressed with the young Portillo, who subsequently did not muck around, going to Westminster almost direct from gaining a history first. Indeed, when Portillo left Cambridge, Cowling held a special party for him and again they toasted "the future prime minister". The Peterhouse set of that day are still active, many in key places.

There is no dispute, even by Cowling, that the central core of that political movement was notoriously, even viciously, homosexual. Whatever did or did not happen on Cowling's floor emerged only because a a gay student later told the gay movement to which he belonged that he had himself found them in flagrante delicto.

Then there was a school friend at Harrow Boys' School (not the public school) which Portillo attended who attested categorically that he had slept with Portillo, who was even then emerging as a mercenary politico. But, says our witness, in a school of that sort, mucking about in the bedroom was an everyday occurrence. Indeed, almost every one did that at some stage and a report like this simply can't be taken too seriously.

Astounding incident

But then there was the astounding report of election night, 1992. The rumour came from a very reliable source, a highly credible investigative journalist who had prepared several important TV programmes. One of his own very good sources was a high-ranking official at the Department of Trade and Industry. On the day of after election night, when a euphoric Conservative party had got in with a working margin, the DTI inspector called the journalist and said that during the previous night a security guard had disturbed Lilley and Portillo in one of the top offices of the DTI building, doing a little more than celebrating the victory. In fact the guard was quiet specific. The two were giving each other an extremely excited blow job.

According to other sources the guard had made his report direct to the DTI official who had passed it on to the journalist. He had then taken the story to his own boss who had put in an immediate report to the Chief Whip. He in turn carpeted both men. The whips' office could easily put the clampers on the official - all it had to do was threaten his pension. But the lowly-paid guard was a problem. He was offered a better job elsewhere and a substantial sum of money (drawn from that special fund administered by Tim Sainsbury) in return for a written agreement he would never divulge what had happened. To our knowledge, he has never done so. But the story was out already.

At the same time, an MI6 officer who played squash with an investigative reporter on the Independent told him that the security services had placed both men under surveillance. A reliable source on the Observer told us about the house in Westminster visited regularly by gays supplied by the 'Adams Escort Agency', and owned or rented by Portillo and Lilley.

Another name which keeps popping up in this extraordinary sage is Dolphin Square. this is a huge complex of luxury flats on the river, not far from Westminster. We first heard of it when we found HM Customs had followed pornographic mail intercepted at Mount Pleasant sorting office, and coming from Amsterdam, to a flat at that address. It did not result in any arrests, though it did result in a memo to John Major which he apparently ignored (unless it had something to do with his 'bastards' speech).

Pornography

Because of the Matrix-Churchill affair, now subject to the Scott Inquiry, HM Customs had begun to feel rather chagrined at the present government. Indeed, they were so angry about the government's handling of the situation and the subsequent grey areas of their legal brief, that, at a very high level, they began squawking and squealing. (The government promptly warned them that if they went on kicking up a fuss they would be put in line via a savage curtailing of their powers). Added to their chagrin was the fact that, as borders came down throughout the EC, hundreds of customs personnel were facing redundancy. So, to make themselves useful, they began creating a new role for themselves in surveillance on everything from drugs to pornography.

They stepped up their activities at Mount Pleasant, having the manpower to follow through every item of real suspicion. We know they traced regular deliveries from Amsterdam and elsewhere to a flat in Dolphin Square, which they put under surveillance. We have only been able to follow this through the most confidential information which could never be properly confirmed - others who know of this story have been told by Customs they cannot or will not confirm it. But there is strong reason to believe this surveillance information was used as a direct lever to warn the Prime Minister he should leave HM Customs' powers alone.

Portillo and Lilley dine regularly, mostly on Friday lunchtimes, in the extensive restaurant at the base of the Dolphin Square building. When we checked on that we were practically evicted by the management. Dolphin Square, one of the largest residential buildings outside New York, has always been a hotbed of political and sexual intrigue and many MPs live there when they are in London.

Naughty Holidays?

Not long after their marriage, the Portillos went on holiday with Michael Brown MP. Brown took as his companion a West Indian self-professed homosexual who all three nicknamed 'Golly' [Derek Laud]. It is simply not known who slept with who. Curiously, also with a male friend, went lobbyist Tony Hutt. The party apparently hardly emerged from the hotel in their Caribbean hideaway.

Around the same time, Lilley and his wife were approached at an art gallery by an unidentified male who, according to one onlooker, caused quite a scene. There were tears and pleas and raised voices, before a highly flustered Lilley left for his car.

To our certain knowledge, Today newspaper, the Observer, The Independent, the Independent on Sunday, the Sunday People, the Sunday Mirror, The Mirror, and several TV programmes all have substantial dossiers on gays in Parliament and these dossiers include large chapters on Portillo and Lilley. One reporter, with Today newspaper, approached Lilley with a dossier outside his London home at approximately 5 am. Lilley physically attacked the reporter and had to be restrained by his chauffeur.

Furthermore, it is widely known in the media that just before the last election Mirror newspapers were going to discredit Lilley. In response, Murdoch newspapers threatened to do a similar smear story on Gerald Kaufman. If both papers had gone for the story hell-for-leather, it would made the entire election a farce and, in a last minute confrontation, prevailed upon by top MPs of both parties, the two groups decided to shelve their dossiers "for the time being".

Everyone knows

The Rumour Factory is hugely unreliable and self-feeding. You are always coming across the phrase 'everyone knows' and you are fed with a diet of tittle-tattle that rarely checks out. But could all these people be so wrong? The Lilley-Portillo rumours have been something different from the factory's regular products. They have been in an avalanche from almost every quarter.

There are several conclusions which one may come to. Perhaps the story is true but both the duo and the establishment have so far been successful in keeping it out of the mainstream press. Or it is partly true but much embellished. Or it is a complete invention of the Rumour Factory which has got out of hand. Or, more interestingly, the whole thing is a political conspiracy to keep the right wing of the Tory party in line. (If the latter is true it does not seem so far to be working). When John Major was reported to have said at a now notorious dinner party 'I'll destroy the bastards,' did he have this whole affair safely in his pocket? Are these rumours coming from Downing Street?

If our journalistic friends are to be believed - let us say on the incident at the DTI, or the MI5 report on the Westminster house - were these carefully planted 'leads' designed to guide the press towards a scandal? In the murky world of politics this is by no means beyond possibility. Lilley is an enigma, but Portillo has emerged in double-quick time as being aggressively ambitious and self-important. No one questions his brilliance, but his abrasive style has brought him a trainload of enemies and, if the knives are out, almost anything can happen.

MP Jerry Hayes, himself on our original list, claims he can recall exactly where the rumour started. Apparently Portillo had just had a new hairdo and it had come out as a rather flamboyant bouffant. On arriving back at Westminster various people, including Lilley, had given him wolf whistles and called him 'ducky'. It was, says Mr Hayes, as simple and silly as that. Rather an ignominious beginning for a scandal which might just bring down a government.

But no doubt the most worrying conclusion to be drawn is that a small, insular, highly motivated and utterly ruthless clique of far right homosexuals at a college in Cambridge have cunningly engineered British political history for their own ends. If Portillo is the 'man who would be king' and has been groomed from an early age to be just that, how will these men attempt to protect their investment? Was Fashanu's retraction genuine? And were the recent deaths of Milligan and James Rusbridger accidents, suicides, or coincidences? Or were their tragic ends, and the manner in which they died, a way of silencing and discrediting people who knew too much and had become unstable? On one level it is hard to believe in such an insidious, extensive and sinister conspiracy. But when one considers what's at stake for the real powerbrokers behind the Conservative Party, it is equally hard to gauge exactly what they would be prepared to do in order to protect their long-nurtured political plan. Consequently, our investigation continues.

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1. 'The Paedophile File', Scallywag issue 14, 1993

Quote:References to: Cabinet ministers; Labour front bench

2. 'Paedophiles in the cabinet', Scallywag issue 17, 1993

Quote:References to: John Major; Cabinet ministers

3. 'Tory gay bomb shell set to blow', Scallywag issue 21, 1994

Quote:References to: David Amess; Alan Beck (Sister Latex); Michael Brown; Simon Chandler; Alistair Cooke (Lord Lexden); Maurice Cowling; Carolyn Eadie (Mrs Portillo); Justin Fashanu; Ian Greer; Edward Heath; Tony Hutt; Derek Laud; Edward Leigh; John Major; Stephen Milligan; David Nicholson; Michael Portillo; Tim Sainsbury; Margaret Thatcher

3b. 'Paedophile material from within the royal family', Scallywag issue 21, 1994

Quote:References to: Justin Fashanu; Stephen Milligan; James Rusbridger; the Royal Family

4. 'Lord McAlpine and the paedophile ring', Scallywag issue 22, 1994

Quote:References to: John Allen (Mr X); Prince Andrew; Supt Gordon Anglesea; Jeffrey Archer; Alan Beck (Sister Latex); Michael Brown; Prince Charles; Chris Chataway; Alistair Cooke (Lord Lexden); Gary Cooke (aka Mark Grainger); Carolyn Eadie (Mrs Portillo); Justin Fashanu; Tony Hutt; Lord Kenyon; Alan Langshaw; Derek Laud; Peter Lilley; Adam Mars-Jones; Justice William Mars-Jones; Lord Alistair McAlpine; Sgt Geraint Morgan; Steven Norris; Michael Portillo; DC Gary Probert; Sgt Mike Roach; Wyn Roberts; PC David Rodgers; PC Peter Sharman; David Steel

5. 'Shame and scandal in the family', Scallywag issue 22, 1994

Quote:References to: Peter Bottomley; Maurice Cowling; William Hague; Peter Lilley; Michael Portillo

6. 'The beast of the valleys: Scandal of the children's homes', Scallywag issue 23, 1994

Quote:References to: Derek Laud; Timothy 'Tim' Lloyd-George; Lord Alistair McAlpine; Joseph Nefyn Dodd; Lord Tenby (aka William Lloyd-George)

7. 'Horsewhip Harry', Scallywag issue 23, 1994

Quote:References to: Harry Greenway; Michael Portillo

8. 'Tory gay love nest exposed', Scallywag issue 24, 1994

Quote:References to: Robert Banks; Michael Brown; Alistair Cooke (Lord Lexden); Ian Fipps [sic]; Derek Laud; Edward Leigh; Anthony Lillis; Peter Lilley; David Nicholson; Michael Portillo; Tim Sainsbury

9. '(David) Russell Walters and Nigel Griffiths', Scallywag issue 24, 1994

Quote:References to: Nigel Griffiths; (David) Russell Walters

10. 'Pervert copper gets off the hook', Scallywag issue 26, 1994

Quote:References to: Gordon Anglesea; Peter Howarth

11. 'Did McAlpine launder money under Thatcher's nose?', Scallywag issue 26, 1994

Quote:References to: Michael Heseltine; Lord Alistair McAlpine; Margaret Thatcher; Mark Thatcher

12. 'Tony Blair vulnerable to blackmail', Scallywag issue 26, 1994

Quote:References to: Tony Blair; Max Clifford; Alistair Cooke (Lord Lexden); Maurice Cowling; Edward Leigh; Julian Lewis; Michael Portillo

13. 'Why McAlpine could never be thrown to the wolves', Scallywag issue 27, 1995

Quote:References to: Michael Heseltine; Lord Alistair McAlpine; Margaret Thatcher

14. 'Dolphin Square and the Westminster City Council connection', Scallywag issue 29b, May 1995

Quote:References to: Gail Ansell (Mrs Lilley); Robert Atkins; David Avery; Alan Bradley; Robert Davis; Carolyn Eadie (Mrs Portillo); Tony Kerpel; Derek Laud; Julian Lewis; Peter Lilley; Peter Martindale; Simon Milton; Robert Mortland; Owen Oyston; Tom Pendry; Dame Shirley Porter; Michael Portillo; Alex Segal; David Steel; Miles Young

15. 'Carl Gissing, Portillo, Laud and the paedophile parties', Spiked issue 6, 1996

Quote:References to: Prince Andrew; Michael Brown; John Bryan; Prince Charles; Princess Diana; Justin Fashanu; Carl Gissing; Derek Laud; Peter Lilley; Lord David Pitt; Michael Portillo

16. 'Letter to the Rt Hon Frank Dobson MP', dated 11 November 1996

Quote:References to: Mohammed Al-Fayed; Brian Basham; Peter Diamond; Frank Dobson; Ian Greer; Mark Griffiths; Angus James; Julian Lewis; Peter Lilley; Lord Alistair McAlpine; Asil Nadir; Owen Oyston; Michael Portillo; Simon Regan; Simon Stander

17. 'Inside The Disks', Scallywag issue 32b, February 1997

Quote:References to: Clemency Ames; Michael Brown; Maurice Cowling; Ian Greer; Derek Laud; Peter Lilley; Simon Marquis; Michael Portillo; Charles Welby; John Whittingdale

18. 'Whitewash: Ian Greer and Alistair McAlpine', Scallywag issue 33, March-April 1997

Quote:References to: Lynn Barber (journalist); Michael Brown; Ian Greer; Neil Hamilton; Michael Heseltine; Julian Lewis; John Major; Lord Alistair McAlpine; Matthew Parris

19. 'Abuse: the Waterhouse Report', dated 20 February 2000

Quote:References to: Gordon Anglesea; Ian Greer; Julian Lewis; Sir Ronald Waterhouse